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THE 

OHIO  STATE  UNIVERSITY 
BULLETIN 


Volume  26  April  29,  1922  Number  13 

CONTRIBUTIONS  IN  HISTORY  AND  POLITICAL  SCIENCE  NUMBER  8 


The  Karen  People  of  Burma: 

A Study  in  Anthropology 
and  Ethnology 

By 

REV.  HARRY  IGNATIUS  MARSHALL,  M.A. 

Missionary  of  the  American  Baptist  Foreign  Mission  Society, 
Member  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  and  of  the  American  Oriental  Society 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  AT  COLUMBUS 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  November  17,  1906,  at  the  postoffice  at  Columbus,  Ohio, 
under  Act  of  Congress,  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917.  Authorized  July  10,  1918. 

DS452 

K2M3 


CONTRIBUTIONS  IN  HISTORY  AND  POLITICAL  SCIENCE 


No.  1 The  Legacy  of  the  American  Revolution  to  the  British  West 
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IN  THE  Revolution  and  After.  Edited  by  E.  Alfred  Jones,  M.A. 
xvi+166  pp.  October,  1921.  Price  $2.00. 

No.  8 The  Karen  People  op  Burma:  A Study  in  Anthropology  and 
Ethnology.  Rev.  Harry  Ignatius  Marshall,  M.A.  xvi+332  pp.  113 
illustrations.  April,  1922.  Price  $3.00. 


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A Sgaw  Karen  Youth  with  His  Harp 

In  the  olden  days  every  youth  loved  his  harp  and  carried  it  with  him  constantly. 
On  such  instruments  as  these  they  play€d  the  accompaniments  to  their  old  epic 
“htas,”  which  have  been  preserved  for  generations.  The  boar’s  tusk  comb  hangs 
down  behind  this  boy’s  ear. 


The  Ohio  State  University  Bulletin 


Volume  26  April  29,  1922  Number  13 


The  Karen  People  of  Burma: 

A Study  in  Anthropology 
and  Ethnology 


By 

REV.  HARRY  IGNATIUS  MARSHALL,  M.A. 


Missiormry  of  the  American  Baptist  Foreign  Mission  Society, 
Member  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,  and  of  the  American  Oriental  Society 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  AT  COLUMBUS 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  November  17,  1905,  at  the  postoffice  at  Columbus,  Ohio, 
under  Act  of  Congress,  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917.  Authorized  July  10,  1918. 


Copyright,  1922 

By  The  Ohio  State  University 


PREFACE 


To  many  a visitor  to  Burma,  who  views  the  country  from  the  deck 
of  an  Irrawaddy  River  steamer  or  from  the  window  of  a railway 
carriage,  there  appears  to  be  little  difference  between  the  Karen  and 
the  Burman.  This  is  not  strange,  for  many  individuals  of  the  non- 
Burman  tribes  wear  the  Burmese  costume  and  speak  the  Burmese 
language ; and  they  present  no  markedly  different  characteristics 
in  feature  or  color  of  skin.  I have  often  heard  the  remark  that 
“there  is  no  difference  between  the  Burman  and  the  Karen.”  It  is 
doubtless  because  the  Government  of  Burma  recognizes  that  there 
is  a difference  in  the  tribal  characteristics,  customs,  and  religion 
that  it  has  adopted  the  wise  policy  of  publishing  a series  of  complete 
studies,  of  which  this  purports  to  be  one,  of  these  various  peoples. 
If  the  reader  will  have  the  patience  to  read  these  pages,  it  is  hoped 
that  he  will  realize  that,  though  the  Karen  have  lived  for  genera- 
tions in  the  closest  proximity  to  the  Burmese,  they  preserve  their 
own  racial  traits,  which  are  quite  distinct  from  those  of  their  more 
volatile  neighbors  with  whom  they  have  had  little  in  common. 

This  work  deals  more  particularly  with  the  Sgaw  branch  of  the 
Karen  people.  My  own  acquaintance  has  been  more  intimate  with 
this  tribe,  though  I have  known  many  of  the  other  groups.  This 
circumstance,  together  with  the  fact  that  the  Bwe  and  Taungthu 
peoples  have  already  been  described  in  the  Upper  Burma  Gazetteer, 
as  well  as  the  limitations  of  space,  has  led  me  to  limit  my  discussion 
to  brief  references  to  the  other  tribes.  But  I am  convinced  that  in 
the  main  the  Sgaw  exhibit  the  general  characteristics  that  are  truly 
Karen  in  the  broadest  sense  of  the  term.  I have  also  omitted  any 
detailed  study  of  the  large  mass  of  Karen  folklore,  which  may 
possibly  be  incorporated  in  some  future  study. 

The  reader  may  notice  that  I have  used  the  term  “Karen,”  in- 
stead of  the  more  usual  plural  form  “Karens,”  when  referring 
to  the  tribal  name.  This  is  more  accurate,  for  to  add  the  “s”  is 
as  misleading  in  this  case  as  in  that  of  the  Lao,  who  are  often  mis- 
takenly spoken  of  as  the  “Laos.”  In  the  transliteration  of  Karen 
words  I have  followed  the  continental  system  of  spelling,  adopting 
“x”  for  the  guttural  which  is  pronounced  like  the  “ch”  in  the  Scotch 
“loch,”  and  the  dipthong  “eu”  for  the  sound  which  closely  resembles 

vii 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


viii 

the  common  pronunciation  of  “er”  as  in  “her.”  I have  accepted  the 
simplified  spelling  for  the  tribal  names,  Pwo  and  Bwe,  in  place  of 
the  more  cumbersome  “Pgho”  and  “Bghai.” 

It  is  not  without  some  misgivings  that  I allow  these  sheets  to 
go  to  the  publisher.  The  notes  were  collected  at  such  intervals  as 
could  be  taken  from  my  labors  as  a district  missionary,  and  that  at 
a time  when  increasing  administrative  duties  precluded  my  giving 
such  attention  to  them  as  I could  wish.  The  return  to  America  on 
furlough  necessitated  the  completion  of  the  work  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  world  from  the  sources  of  my  material,  and  where, 
though  I enjoyed  the  privileges  of  a Graduate  Fellowship  at  the 
Ohio  State  University,  I had  to  depend  largely  on  my  personal  col- 
lections, there  being  no  department  of  Ethnology  there. 

I wish  to  acknowledge  the  assistance  which  I have  had  from 
my  wife,  whose  sympathetic  interest  and  accurate  knowledge  have 
been  of  untold  value,  and  also  the  help  I have  received  from  my 
missionary  colleagues,  among  whom  I should  mention  my  father-in- 
law,  Rev.  D.  A.  W.  Smith,  D.D. ; Rev.  C.  A.  Nichols,  D.D.,  who  was 
first  to  ask  me  to  undertake  the  preparation  of  this  work,  and 
Rev.  E.  N.  Harris.  Among  the  many  Karen  members  of  the  mission 
staff  who  have  helped  in  the  gathering  of  materials,  I can  only 
mention  Thras  San  Gyi  San  Kwe,  Po  Myaing,  and  Shwe  Thee,  of 
Tharrawaddy;  Thra  Pan  Ya  Se,  of  Shwegyin;  and  Thra  Aung 
Gaing,  of  Insein,  who  gave  me  a full  account  of  the  Karen  of  Siam. 
The  sketches  signed  “D.  P.”  are  the  work  of  a Karen  schoolboy 
from  Tavoy,  Saw  Day  Po,  who,  to  his  credit  it  should  be  said,  drew 
them  without  having  had  any  instruction  in  drawing  whatever. 
My  thanks  are  also  due  to  Drs.  B.  Laufer  and  Fay  Cooper-Cole,  of 
the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Chicago,  for  many  valuable 
suggestions,  and  to  Professors  J.  A.  Leighton  and  W.  H.  Siebert, 
of  the  Ohio  State  University,  for  many  kindnesses.  To  Professor 
Siebert  I am  especially  indebted  for  a most  painstaking  review  of 
my  entire  manuscript,  for  its  acceptance  for  publication,  and  for 
seeing  it  through  the  press  of  the  Ohio  State  University.  Finally, 
I desire  to  express  my  gratitude  to  the  Government  of  Burma  for 
the  privilege  of  undertaking  this  work.  The  necessity  for  careful 
observation  and  thorough  investigation  has  not  been  without  its 
benefits  to  me.  The  undertaking  has  been  exacting  and  quite  in- 
structive, even  if  it  had  benefited  no  one  but  myself. 

This  book  is,  after  all,  but  another  by-product  of  the  great  mis- 
sionary enterprise,  which  seeks  to  lift  the  less  fortunate  peoples  of 


PREFACE 


IX 


the  world  to  a higher  plane  of  life  and  enjoyment,  and  to  bring  to 
them  the  best  of  our  Christian  civilization.  If  this  work  should 
help  to  make  the  Karen  better  known  and  understood  and  in  any 
way  assist  them  along  their  upward  path,  the  writer  will  feel  that 
it  has  all  been  a part  of  the  great  task  to  which  he  has  dedicated 
his  life.  May  the  blessing  of  God  rest  upon  it. 


Columbus,  Ohio 
August  30,  1920 


CONTENTS 


PART  I.  GENERAL  TOPICS 

CHAPTER 

I.  Habitat  and  Tribal  Distribution  of  the  Karen  ...  1 

II.  The  Origin  of  the  Karen 5 

III.  Physical  Characteristics 16 

IV.  Mental  and  Moral  Characteristics 22 

V.  Language  31 

VI.  Dress  and  Ornaments 35 

VII.  Measures  of  Time  and  Space.  Karen  Astronomy  ...  48 

PART  II.  DOMESTIC  LIFE 

VIII.  The  Karen  Village-House 56 

IX.  Food  and  Its  Preparation 66 

X.  Agricultural  Pursuits  and  Other  Occupations  ...  75 

XL  Hunting  and  Fishing 96 

XII.  Spinning,  Dyeing,  and  Weaving.  Mat-making  and  Basketry  108 

XIII.  Bronze  Drums 115 

PART  III.  SOCIAL  LIFE 

XIV.  Social  Conditions 127 

XV.  Laws  and  Precepts 143 

XVI.  Warfare  and  Weapons 152 

XVII.  Music,  Musical  Instruments,  and  Dancing  ....  161 

XVIII.  Birth  Customs.  Childhood 168 

XIX.  Marriage  Customs 176 

XX.  Funeral  Customs 193 

PART  IV.  RELIGIOUS  LIFE 

XXL  Religious  Conceptions 210 

XXII.  Supernatural  and  Mythical  Beings 223 

XXIII.  Propitiatory  Sacrifices  and  Healing  Offerings  . . . 234 

XXIV.  Feasts  to  the  “Bgha” 248 

XXV.  Mount  “Thaw  Thi.”  Religious  Cults 262 

XXVI.  Magic  267 

XXVII.  Divinations 279 

XXVIII.  Tabu 286 

PART  V.  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  KAREN  PEOPLE 

XXIX.  Growth  of  Christianity  Among  the  Karen  ....  296 

XXX.  Progress  of  the  Karen  Race 304 

APPENDIXES 

A.  Glossary  of  Karen  Words 315 

B.  Bibliography 321 

Index 325 


XI 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


A Sgaw  Karen  Youth  with  His  Harp Frontispiece 

PAGE 


A Creek  of  the  Irrawaddy  Delta 

A Mountain  Stream  in  Burma 

A Path  through  the  Bamboo  Jungle,  Pegua  Hills 

The  Morning  Mist  in  the  Toungoo  Hills  

Karen  Hill  Men  Coming  Down  to  the  Plains 

Karen  Men  from  the  Hills,  Tharrawaddy  District 

Karen  Family  with  Traces  of  Negrito  Blood 

Sgaw  Karen  Young  Bloods,  Ngape  Eh  Village,  Tharrawaddy  Hills  . 

Karen  Boys 

Playmates:  Karen  Boys  and  the  Sons  of  the  Author  . . . . 

A Paku  Schoolgirl,  Toungoo 

A Karen  Belle 

A Bwe  Karen  Man’s  Suit  . 

A Karen  Bamboo  Comb 

Women’s  Garments 

Women’s  Head-dress 

Karen  Skirts  and  Bags 

A Padaung  Couple,  the  Wife  with  Neck-rings  and  Leg-rings 

Women’s  Earrings . 

A Boar’s  Tusk  Comb 

Karen  Girls  in  Burmese  Costume 

Two  Sgaw  Karen  Maidens 

The  Gateway  of  a Village  Stockade 

Part  of  a Mountain  Karen  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District  . 
Stockade  and  Gateway  of  the  Village,  Re  Tho,  Tharrawaddy  District 

Plan  of  Shataw  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District 

A Torch  with  Its  Stand 

Plan  of  a Karen  Family-room 

A Hill  Village  in  Transition 

Sideview  of  a Bamboo  Karen  House,  Kaindagyi 

Pounding  Paddy  in  a Mortar 

The  Fireplace  in  a Hill  Karen  House 

Karen  Tobacco  Pipes  and  a Piston  for  Breaking  Betel-nut  . 
Offerings  and  Traps  on  the  Edge  of  a Field 


2 


7 

13 

15 

17 

20 

24 

24 

28 

34 

36 

37 
39 

41 

42 

45 

46 

47 
47 
52 
55 
57 
57 
59 
61 
62 
63 
65 
68 
69 

73 

74 


xiii 


xiv  THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 

PAGE 

A Hillside  Plot  Cut  Ready  for  Burning 77 

A Paddy-bin  for  Storing  Grain  in  the  Field 77 

Off  for  the  Fields  with  Baskets  and  Bags 80 

Plowing  a Paddy  Field  in  Lower  Burma  83 

Women  Transplanting  Paddy 83 

Reaping  Paddy  with  Sickles 89 

A Threshing-floor  on  the  Plains 89 

Winnowing  Paddy 91 

Fanning  Paddy 91 

Sgaw  Karen  Women  Carrying  Grain  in  Large  Baskets 94 

Karen  Houses  on  the  Plains 94 

Turning  the  Buffaloes  Out  to  Graze 95 

Setting  a Spring-trap,  Pegu  Hills 100 

A Box  Trap  for  Catching  Birds 100 

A Large  Fish-trap 103 

Climbing  the  Toddy-palm 103 

Cylindrical  Fish-traps 105 

Bottle-shaped  Fish-trap  105 

Ginning  Cotton  in  the  Pegu  Hills 109 

Batting  Cotton  into  Smooth  Layers  with  a Bow 109 

A Karen  Girl  at  a Burmese  Loom 112 

The  Karen  Loom 112 

A Karen  Matron  Weaving  under  Her  House 114 

Karen  Bronze  Drum,  Nabaain  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District  . . . 119 

A “Rubbing”  Showing  the  Pattern  of  the  Head  of  the  Nabaain  Drum  . 119 

Bronze  Drum  from  Kondagyi,  Tharrawaddy  District 122 

Head  of  the  Kondagyi  Drum  122 

Bronze  Drum  Owned  by  Rev.  A.  V.  B.  Crumb 125 

Head  of  Mr.  Crumb’s  Drum 125 

Bringing  Water  for  the  Visitor,  Nabaain  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District  128 
Young  Women  Bringing  in  Bamboo  Fuel,  Tharrawaddy  Hills  . . . 132 

Plains  Women  Bathing  in  the  Irrawaddy,  in  the  Lee  of  the  High-sterned 

Burmese  Boat 132 

Carrying  Water  in  Bamboo  Joints 140 

Dipping  Water  from  a Shallow  Stream  146 

Buffaloes  at  Their  Daily  Bath 151 

Karens  of  Three  Generations  on  the  Plains 155 

Karen  Girls  of  the  Plains  Carrying  Water  in  Earthen  Pots  . . . 155 

A Sgaw  Karen  Orchestra,  Tharrawaddy  Hills 160 

Karen  Jew’s-harps 163 


ILLUSTRATIONS  xv 

PAGE 

A Karen  Guitar 163 

Playing  the  “Paw  Ku”  or  Karen  Xylophone 165 

An  Exhibition  Performance  on  the  Xylophone 165 

Musical  Score  of  a Karen  “Hta”  or  Poem 166 

A Child  Riding  on  Its  Mother’s  Hip  172 

The  Friends  of  the  Bridegroom 179 

The  Bridegroom’s  Company  Entering  the  Bride’s  Village  ....  185 

The  Wedding  Party 185 

Karen  Girls  of  the  Plains,  Tharawaddy  District 191 

Christian  Converts,  Ngape  Eh  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District  . . . 191 

Sgaw  Karen  Young  Women 196 

Arrangement  of  Pestles  for  a Funeral  Game 200 

Another  Arrangement  of  Pestles  for  a Funeral  Game 201 

A Sketch  of  a Tree  Used  in  the  Funeral  Games 203 

Climbing  the  Cocoanut-palm 214 

A Hill  Village  in  Transition 220 

A Karen  Village  on  the  Plains 220 

A Bwe  Karen  Christian  Village,  Toungoo  District 227 

Karen  Girls  Pounding  Paddy  in  a Mortar  Out-of-doors 238 

A Bwe  Karen  Prophet 246 

A Hut  Erected  in  a Forest  Clearing  by  a Self-styled  Prophet  as  the 

Center  of  a New  Karen  Religious  Cult  of  Short  Duration  . . . 246 

A Sgaw  Karen  Grandmother  251 

Karen  Villagers,  Tharrawaddy  District 256 

Utensils  for  the  Sacred  “Bgha”  Feast  of  a Pwo  Karen  Family,  Bassein 

District 260 

Village  School-children  with  Their  Teacher 266 

Paku  Karen  Schoolgirls 272 

Field-day,  Tharrawaddy  Karen  High  School 281 

Chicken  Bones  Used  in  Divination 282 

A Christian  Karen  Village  School,  Tharrawaddy  District  ....  293 

Two  Karen  Christian  Pastors 295 

Karen  Theological  Students 299 

A Christian  Village  School,  Prome  District 302 

The  Chapel  and  Schoolhouse  of  the  American  Baptist  Mission  High 

School,  Tharrawaddy  District 302 

Schoolgirls  at  Calisthenics,  Tharrawaddy  Karen  High  School  . . . 305 

Schoolboys  Lined  up  for  Drill 305 

A Karen  Teacher  and  Lahu  Boys 308 

Rev.  Thra  Maung  Yin,  of  Bassein 311 

Karen  Military  Police 313 


CHAPTER  I 


HABITAT  AND  TRIBAL  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  KAREN 

The  Karen  are  a group  of  Indo-Chinese  tribes  living  princi- 
pally in  Burma,  the  easternmost  province  of  the  British  Indian 
Empire,  in  the  Indo-Chinese  peninsula,  and  in  the  adjoining  coun- 
try of  Siam  to  the  east.  They  are  found  between  the  tenth  and 
twenty-first  degrees  of  north  latitude  and  between  the  ninety- 
fourth  and  one  hundredth  degrees  of  east  longitude.  The  greater 
part  of  this  territory  they  occupy  in  connection  with  the  other  peo- 
ples of  the  country,  namely,  the  Burmese,  Shan,  Siamese,  and  Chin. 
The  only  exclusively  Karen  country  is  the  hilly  region  of  the  Toun- 
goo  district  and  the  Karenni  subdivision,  where  the  Karen  chiefs 
of  five  states,  comprising  4,830  square  miles  and  a population  of 
42,240,  are  still  in  power  under  the  Advisory  Council  of  the  British 
Government.  There  is  also  a Karen  chief  ruling  one  of  the  Shan 
States,  and  five  other  states  in  that  section  are  ruled  by  Taungthu 
chiefs.  In  all  these  latter  districts  we  find  a mixed  population.^ 

The  whole  group  of  Karen  tribes  can  be  divided  into  three  di- 
visions, according  to  their  language  or  dialect  differences.  These 
are  the  Sgaw,  Pwo,  and  Bwe  groups. 

The  Sgaw  group  is  the  largest  and  most  widely  scattered.  They 
are  found  all  through  the  Irrawaddy  Delta,  from  the  vicinity  of 
Prome  southward,  and  from  the  Arracan  coast  eastward  to  the 
neighborhood  of  Lakong  in  Siam  and  southward  to  the  lowest  point 
of  the  British  possessions.  The  Baku  and  Mawnepgha  tribes  of  the 
southern  Toungoo  Hills  belong  to  this  group.  One  dialect,  with 
only  slight  variations,  is  used  throughout  this  region. 

The  Pwo  group  comprises,  besides  the  Pwo  Karen,  the  Taung- 
thu tribe,  who  call  themselves  the  Pao.  The  Pwo  are  found  along 
the  seacoast  from  Arracan  to  Mergui  and  are  said  to  be  found  no- 
where more  than  fifty  miles  inland.  However,  I think  that  some 
of  the  Pwo  villages  in  the  Henzada  district  may  be  a little  farther 
inland  than  that.  The  Taungthu  are  found  in  a section  of  country 


^ J.  S.  Scott:  Burma,  Appendix,  pp.  470-481. 


2 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A Creek  of  the  Irrawaddy  River  Delta,  Bassein  District 
These  streams  form  the  highways  of  this  district. 


A Mountain  Stre  am  in  Burma 

The  Karen  build  their  villages  along  these  streams  of  swift-running  water. 


HABITAT  AND  TRIBAL  DISTRIBUTION 


3 


running  northward  from  Thaton  into  the  Shan  States  beyond 
Taunggyi. 

The  Bwe  tribes  are  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Toungoo,  in  the  ter- 
ritory extending  from  the  foothills  east  of  that  city  throughout  the 
Karenni  subdivision.  This  is  a very  mountainous  region,  and  we 
find  the  people  broken  up  into  small  tribes  differing  from  one 
another  in  dialect,  dress,  and  customs.  Nine  of  these  tribes  were 
enumerated  in  the  last  Government  census.  The  tendency  of  the 
present  time  is  to  consider  these  tribes  more  closely  related  than 
was  formerly  the  case. 

In  the  Census  Report  of  the  Government  of  India  for  the  year 
1911  we  have  the  first  enumeration  of  all  Karens  in  the  British  ter- 
ritory. In  former  reports  the  Karenni  territory  was  not  included 
in  the  enumeration.  The  returns  in  1911  showed  a population  of 
1,102,695.  This  was  an  increase  of  199,334  over  the  previous  count 
in  1901,  due  in  part  to  the  increased  extent  of  the  territory  cov- 
ered. The  enumeration,  however,  did  not  clearly  distinguish  be- 
tween the  Pwo  and  Sgaw  branches  of  the  race,  due,  as  the  Report 
says,  to  the  fact  that  many  retuimed  themselves  simply  as  Karens, 
without  specifying  to  w’hich  branch  they  belonged.  The  total  num- 
ber of  Pwos  and  Sgaws  increased  from  717,859  souls  in  1901  to 
872.825  in  1911,  a gain  of  154,966.  This  represents  a real  increase 
in  population,  for  these  tribes  are  all  in  Burma  proper.  The  Pwo 
dialect  is  less  persistent  than  the  Sgaw,  for  more  of  its  mem.bers 
are  using  Burmese  to  a much  greater  degree  than  the  Sgaws,  al- 
though the  latter  are  also  giving  up  their  language  where  they  are 
living  in  close  contact  with  the  Burmans.  The  Sgaw  dialect  is  not 
“driving  out  the  Pwo”  as  rumor  says,  but  is  merely  holding  its  own 
better  against  the  Burmese.  Probably  there  are  about  half  a mil- 
lion Sgaw's  in  Burma  and  perhaps  another  50,000  in  Siam,-  which 
w^ould  make  them  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  race.  The 
Taungthu  w’ere  enumerated  by  themselves  and,  as  has  been  said 
above,  belong  to  the  Pwo  group.  There  were  183,054  of  them  in 
1911.  During  the  decade  previous  to  that  enumeration  they  had 
made  an  increase  of  14,753  souls.  The  Pwo  group  would  proba- 
bly include  altogether  about  350,000  members  and  wmuld  stand  sec- 
ond in  point  of  numbers.® 


- W.  A.  Graham,  in  the  Handbook  of  Siam,  estimates  the  Karen  of  that  country  at  30,000, 
but  I think  this  estimate  rather  low. 

® These  citations  are  all  from  the  Census  of  India,  1911,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  275,  ff. 


4 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


The  Bwe  group  is  more  definitely  treated  in  the  Census  Report, 
for  in  this  group  each  tribe  is  enumerated  separately,  as  follows : 


Karenni 19,008 

Karennet 3,721 

Karenbyu 790 

Zayein 4,981 

Sinsin 533 

Bre 6,911 

Mano 1,445 

Yinbaw 911 

Padaung 8,516 


Total 46,816 

These  tribes,^  dwelling  in  the  heart  of  the  Karen  country  where 
they  have  been  secure  in  the  fastnesses  of  their  native  hills, 
have  never  before  been  counted  with  enough  exactness  to  al- 
low us  to  estimate  their  increase  in  numbers.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  general  impression  that  they  are  really  increasing  is  correct. 
Further  investigation  may  show  that  some  of  these  tribes  as,  for 
example,  the  Zayein,  may  be  allied  to  non-Karen  stock,  such  as  the 
Wa  of  the  Shan  States.® 

These  Bwe  tribes  form  a distinct  group,  but  it  is  beyond  the 
purpose  of  this  present  work  to  deal  in  particular  with  them,  espe- 
cially since  they  have  already  formed  the  subject  of  a study  incor- 
porated in  the  Upper  Burma  Gazetteer.'^ 

^ Karenni  means  literally  Red  Karen,  in  Burmese.  It  has  been  used  of  the  tribe  dwell- 
ing in  the  country  now  called  by  that  name,  because  they  wear  red  clothing.  Similarly  some 
writers  have  spoken  of  the  White  Karen  and  the  Black  Karen,  “Karenbyu**  and  “Karennet.** 

® Rev.  W.  H.  Young,  formerly  of  Kenteung,  tells  me  that  the  Wa  language  resembles  the 
Karen  in  structure  but  not  in  vocabulary,  while  the  Lahu  and  Pwo  Karen  have  similar  customs 
and  vocabulary  but  a different  sentence  structure. 

^ Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  Chapter  IX. 


CHAPTER  II 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KAREN 

The  traditions  of  the  Karen  clearly  indicate  that  they  have  not 
always  lived  in  their  present  home.  The  most  striking  story  is  that 
of  “Htaw  Meh  Pa,”  the  mythical  founder  of  the  Karen  race,  who 
lived  with  his  numerous  family  in  some  unknown  land  to  the  North, 
where  their  fields  were  ravaged  by  a great  boar.  The  patriarch 
went  out  and  killed  the  boar ; but  when  the  sons  went  to  bring  in 
the  carcass,  they  could  find  only  one  tusk  which  had  been  broken  off 
in  the  fray.  The  old  man  made  a comb  out  of  this,  which  surprised 
them  all  by  its  power  of  conveying  eternal  youth  to  all  who  used  it. 
Soon  their  country  became  overpopulated,  and  they  set  out  to  seek 
a new  and  better  land.  They  traveled  together  till  they  came  to  a 
river  called  in  Karen  “Hti  Seh  Meh  Ywa.”  Here  the  old  man  be- 
came impatient  at  the  long  time  it  took  the  members  of  the  family 
to  cook  shellfish  and  went  on  ahead,  promising  to  blaze  his  path 
that  they  might  follow  him  through  the  jungle.  After  a while  the 
Chinese  came  along  and  told  them  how  to  open  the  shells  to  get 
out  the  meat;  and  then,  having  eaten,  they  followed  the  old  man, 
only  to  find  that  the  plantain  stalks  he  had  cut  off  had  shot  up  so 
high  that  it  seemed  impossible  to  overtake  him.  They,  therefore, 
settled  down  in  the  vicinity.  The  patriarch  went  on,  taking  with 
him  the  magic  comb  which  has  never  been  discovered  to  this  day. 

While  this  tradition  is  not  confined  to  the  Karen, ^ it  has  a 
bearing,  I believe,  on  their  origin.  A great  deal  has  been  written 
about  the  “Hti  Seh  Meh  Ywa”  or,  as  Dr.  Mason  called  it,  the  “River 
of  Running  Sand,”  ^ which  is,  as  he  thinks,  the  Gobi  Desert. 
This  opinion  of  Dr.  Mason  is  derived  from  Fa  Hien’s  description 
of  his  travels  across  that  desert.  However,  the  Karen  name  of  the 
river  means  not  only  “flowing  sand,”  but  also  a “river  of 

1 This  tradition  is  found  among  the  Lahu  and  also,  according  to  Thra  Ba  Te,  among  the 
Chin  in  the  northwest  of  Burma. 

MacMahon,  in  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese,  p.  106,  refers  to  a different  version 
of  this  story,  in  which  the  Chinese  go  ahead  instead  of  "Htaw  Meh  Pa,”  and  on  p.  104  MacMahon 
says  he  found  traditions  indicating  that  the  Karen  formed  part  of  a Chinese  expedition  into 
Burma  and  that  they  were  left  behind  because  of  their  sluggish  movements.  These  all  point 
to  early  relations  with  the  Chinese. 

2 Mason,  British  Burma,  p.  831. 


5 


6 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


water  flowing  with  sand.”  ® The  reference  to  the  Gobi  Desert 
seems  rather  far-fetched  and  has,  therefore,  been  abandoned  by 
scholars.  Dr.  D.  C.  Gilmore  suggests  the  Salween  as  being  a river 
that  fulfils  the  requirements  of  the  tradition,  but  bases  his  conclu- 
sions largely  on  the  reference  to  the  early  home  of  “Htaw  Meh  Pa” 
as  located  on  Mount  “Thaw  Thi,”  the  Olympus  of  the  Karen,  which 
is  mentioned  in  Dr.  Vinton’s  version  of  the  story,  from  which  he 
quotes.*  This  reference  is  not  found  in  other  versions  of  the  story 
and  was  probably  not  a part  of  it  in  its  earliest  form.  It  seems  rea- 
sonable, therefore,  to  look  further  for  the  sandy  river.  Dr.  Laufer  ® 
asserts  that  the  early  home  of  the  peoples  of  eastern  Asia  was  in 
the  upper  reaches  of  the  Hoang-ho  or  Yellow  River,  of  China,  and 
that  from  this  center  the  Tibetans  migrated  westward ; the  early 
tribes  of  Indo-China,  southward;  and  the  Chinese,  southeastward. 
According  to  this  view,  the  progenitors  of  the  Karen  probably 
formed  a part  of  the  southward  migration  and,  at  some  stage  of 
their  march,  stopped  on  the  banks  of  the  Yellow  River  which,  as  its 
name  suggests,  has  from  time  immemorial  been  freighted  with 
silt  and  sand.  Here  they  may  have  tried  to  cook  the  shellfish  re- 
ferred to  in  the  tradition.  From  this  region  they  doubtless  made 
their  way  down  to  what  is  now  Yunnan,  where  perhaps  they  found 
a domicile  till  they  were  pushed  farther  south  by  migrating  people 
advancing  behind  them. 

The  name  “Karen”  is  an  imperfect  transliteration  of  the  Bur- 
mese word  “Kayin,”  the  derivation  of  which  has  puzzled  students 
of  that  language.  It  has  been  thought  that  this  word  is  derived  from 
the  name  by  which  the  Red  Karen  call  themselves,  i.e.,  “Ka-Ya.” 
The  designation  of  the  Sgaw  for  themselves  is  “Pgha  K’Nyaw,” 
which  has  not  usually  been  associated  with  the  native  name  of  the 
Red  Karen.  In  August,  1914,  it  was  suggested  to  me  ® that  these 
tribal  names,  which  have  hitherto  been  thought  to  mean  simply 
“men,”  were  related  to,  and  derived  from,  the  name  of  one  of  the 
four  ancient  tribes  of  China,  that  is,  the  Ch’iang  (ancient  pro- 
nunciation, Giang  or  Gyang).  This  tribe,  which  is  indicated  in 
Chinese  by  the  ideograph  of  a man  combined  w'ith  the  character 
designating  a sheep,  conveying  the  meaning  of  shepherd,  occupied 

3 E.  B.  Cross,  Journal,  American  Oriental  Soc.  (1854)  Vol.  IV,  pp.  293,  ff.  and  D.  C. 
Gilmore,  Journal,  Burma  Research  Soc.,  Vol.  I,  p.  191. 

^ J.  B.  Vinton,  D.D.  and  Rev.  T.  Than  Bya.  M.  A.,  Karen  Folklore  Stories, 

^ Dr.  B.  Laufer,  Curator  of  Anthropologry,  Field  Columbian  Museum,  Chicago,  in  a note 
to  the  writer,  Jan.  6,  1920. 

® By  the  Rev.  Thra  Ba  Te,  in  a letter  dated  August  14,  1917. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KAREN 


7 


A Path  through  the  Bamboo  Jungle,  Pegu  Hills 


The  Morning  Mist  in  the  Toungoo  Hills 
The  mists  settle  in  the  valleys,  which  make  the  mountain-tops  look  like  islands 
in  an  inland  sea. 


8 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  western  part  of  ancient  China.  The  first  part  of  the  name, 
“Ch,”  means  “people,”  and  the  latter  part,  “Yang,”  is  the  dis- 
tinctive tribal  name.  Turning  now  to  the  Karen  word  “Pgha 
K’Nyaw.”  “Pgha”  is  a general  word  meaning  people.  “K’Nyaw” 
is,  according  to  my  informant,  composed  of  two  elements:  “K’,” 
a prefix  often  found  in  the  names  of  tribes  in  the  vicinity  of  Burma 
and  denoting  a tribal  group,  as  “Kachin,”  “Kethe,”  or  “Karok”  (as 
used  by  the  Talaing  of  the  Chinese).  “Nyaw”  is  derived  from 
“Yang,”  referred  to  above.  The  final  nasal  “ng”  is  softened  in 
Karen  to  the  open  syllable  “aw,”  following  the  analogy  of  many 
words  occurring  in  the  dialects  or  in  Burmese  and  having  nasal 
endings;  and  “n”  and  “ny”  are  interchangeable.  Thus,  if  this 
reasoning  is  correct,  “Pgha  K’Nyaw”  is  derived  from  the  ancient 
“Yang,”  and  is  like  the  source  from  which  the  Burmese  “Kayin”  is 
derived.'  This  explanation  affords  another  link  connecting  the 
Karen  with  the  early  dwellers  within  the  confines  of  the  present 
Chinese  Republic. 

The  language  of  the  Karen,  after  being  classed  in  various 
ways,  has  now  been  recognized  as  a Sinitic  language  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  last  Burma  Census  (1911)  is  set  down  as  belonging 
to  the  “Siamese-Chinese”  sub-family  of  the  Tibeto-Chinese  lan- 
guages, being  grouped  with  the  Tai  or  Shan.  I feel  sure  that  this 
last  grouping  is  subject  to  revision  by  the  philologists.  While  at 
first  glance  the  relationship  of  these  languages  appears  to  be  re- 
mote, Major  H.  R.  Davies  makes  a very  pertinent  statement  when 
he  says:  “Doubtless  owing  to  phonetic  change  and  the  splitting  of 
initial  double  consonants,  many  words  have  been  altered  beyond  all 
hope  of  recognition,  but  a systematic  study  of  the  subject  would,  I 
believe,  reveal  many  unsuspected  resemblances.”  ® 

When  we  consider  that  many  of  these  languages  have  never 
been  fixed  by  written  characters  and  that,  within  the  past  few  dec- 
ades, the  Karen  language  has  so  changed  that  the  bard  literature 
of  a century  ago  is  almost  unintelligible  to  the  present  generation, 
we  can  see  how  complicated  the  problem  is  and  that  it  is  only  capa- 
ble of  solution,  if  at  all,  at  the  hands  of  experts. 

The  Karen  language,  as  we  now  have  it,  is  a monosyllabic  ag- 
glutinated speech,  with  no  final  consonants  in  Sgaw  Karen  and  with 
nasals  and  finals  in  other  dialects.  These  are  all  marks  of  Sinitic 


" Dr.  Martin  in  the  Lore  of  Cathay  gives  the  names  of  the  other  three  of  the  four 
ancient  tribes  of  China  as  the  La  in  the  North,  the  Yi  in  the  East,  and  the  Man  in  the  South. 
® Maj.  H.  R.  Davies,  Yunnan,  The  Link  between  Burma  and  the  Yangste. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KAREN 


9 


speech.  Dr.  D.  C.  Gilmore  believes  that  the  Pwo  dialect  branched 
off  from  the  parent  stem  earlier  than  the  Sgaw,  but  kept  the 
original  nasals  and,  being  in  closer  contact  with  outside  races, 
adopted  more  outside  words.®  The  Sgaw  has  dropped  the  final 
nasals,  because  they  were  more  difficult  to  pronounce,  but  has  kept 
the  original  form  of  the  language  to  a greater  extent  than  the  Pwo. 

The  fact  that  the  Karen  have  used  bronze  drums  for  many 
generations  has,  I think,  a bearing  on  their  racial  relationship. 
These  remarkable  drums  have  only  recently  been  studied  by  West- 
ern scholars,  and  their  full  significance  is  still  a matter  for  investi- 
gation. These  drums  were  formerly  thought  to  be  of  Chinese  origin, 
but  it  seems  that  they  are  to  be  attributed  to  aboriginal  tribes, 
found  in  what  is  now  Tong  King  and  Yunnan  by  the  Chinese  gen- 
erals, Ma  Yuon  (41,  A.D.)  and  Chu-Ko  Liang  (230,  A.D.),  who 
conquered  these  territories  for  the  Chinese.^® 

The  upper  portion  of  Camboja  is  now  considered  to  be  the 
original  home  of  these  drums.  They  formed  part  of  the  possessions 
of  the  chiefs  and  were  considered  very  precious,  each  being  worth 
from  eight  to  ten  oxen.  Chu-ko  Liang  is  reported  to  have  exacted 
sixty-three  bronze  drums  as  tribute  from  the  barbarians  and  to 
have  taken  them  back  with  him.  Among  the  peoples  of  Burma  the 
Karen  seem  to  be  the  only  race  that  has  made  use  of  these  drums. 
They  do  not  manufacture  them,  but  buy  them  from  the  more  in- 
dustrious Shans,  who  do  not  appear  to  set  much  store  by  them.^^ 
Among  the  Karen,  until  recent  times,  the  owner  of  one  of  these 
instruments  was  considered  of  more  worth  than  a man  who  had 
seven  elephants.  A drum  often  formed  the  ransom  of  a village  or 
the  dowry  of  a maiden.  Although  so  valued  a possession  often  be- 
longs to  a chief,  it  may  belong  to  any  one  who  can  purchase  it. 

It  may  have  been  from  the  Karen  that  the  Chinese  generals 
exacted  part  or  all  of  their  tribute.  If  so,  this  people  was  living  in 
the  mountains  of  Yunnan  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

® D.  C.  Gilmore,  “Phonetic  Changes  in  the  Karen  Languages”  in  Journal,  Burma  Research 
Society,  Vol.  VIII,  Pt.  ii,  pp.  122,  if. 

Several  pamphlets  and  articles  in  anthropological  journals  deal  with  these  drums.  The 
most  extensive  work  on  the  subject,  which  is  in  German,  is  hy  Franz  Heger  and  is  entitled 
Alte  Metalltrommeln  aus  Sudost-Asien,  Leipzig  1902.  An  excellent  short  work  entitled  “Anciens 
Tambours  de  Bronze,”  is  by  H.  Parmentier  and  is  printed  in  the  Bulletin  VEcole  d’  Extreme- 
Orient,  Hanoi,  118.  See  also  Chapter  XIII  on  Bronze  Drums,  pp.  115-126. 

W.  W.  Cochrane,  in  The  Shans,  mentions  the  Shan  towns  of  Tagaung  or  Ta  Kawng 
and  Mogaung  or  Mong  Kawg  as  denoting,  respectively.  Drum  Ferry  and  Drum  Town,  and  on 
page  62  he  says : “They  took  also  a palace  drum,  whose  reverberations  could  call  the  people 
together,  daunt  enemies,  or  bring  rain  in  time  of  drought.”  He  makes  no  further  reference 
to  their  use. 


10 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


It  is  a belief  of  the  Karen  that  their  forefathers  have  cherished  these 
drums  from  time  immemorial.  One  drum  in  Toungoo  district  is,  I 
have  been  told,  supposed  to  be  a thousand  years  old.  Our  knowl- 
edge of  them  is,  however,  too  meagre  to  permit  any  dogmatic  state- 
ments on  the  subject.  Further  investigation  should  throw  more 
light  upon  it. 

The  religious  traditions  of  the  Karen  have  also  been  thought 
to  possess  significance  in  regard  to  their  racial  origin.  When,  in 
1827,  the  early  missionaries  first  discovered  the  Karen,  they  were 
surprised  to  find  that  these  people  professed  having  received  from 
their  forefathers  monotheistic  traditions  in  which  the  story  of  the 
creation  was  almost  parallel  to  the  Mosaic  account  in  Genesis.  (See 
p.  211.)  The  question,  “Whence  this  story?”  at  once  suggested 
ftself.  Was  it  their  independent  possession  from  the  beginning  of 
time,  their  only  relic  from  a more  vigorous  and  highly  civilized 
past  when,  as  they  explained,  they  had  not  yet  lost  their  book?^^ 
Or  had  it  been  borrowed  from  another  people,  whom  they  had  met 
in  the  course  of  their  wanderings  from  their  northern  birthplace 
to  their  present  home?  Some  of  the  early  missionaries,  including 
Dr.  Mason,  thought  that  the  Karen  might  be  found  to  be  the  lost 
tribes  of  Israel  or,  if  not  actually  descended  from  Abraham,  that 
they  had  received  instruction  from  colonies  of  Jews,  who  were  sup- 
posed to  have  spread  to  the  East  in  ancient  times. 

It  has  also  been  suggested  that  Christian  missionaries,  traveling 
to  the  Orient  during  the  early  centuries  of  our  era,  transmitted  this 
creation  story  to  the  Karen.  On  this  point  the  comment  of  Dr.  Lau- 
fer  is  pertinent.^*  He  says : “The  ‘River  of  running  sand’  in  the 
traditions  of  the  Karen  is  not  necessarily  to  be  interpreted  as  the 
Desert  of  Gobi ; at  least  it  is  not  convincing.  Still  less  is  it  conceiv- 
able that  their  legends  should  suggest  an  acquaintance  with  the 
Jewish  colonies  in  China,  or  even  with  the  Nestorian  tablet  at 

The  tradition  of  the  Lost  Book  is  not  peculiar  to  the  Karen,  but  seems  to  be  found  also 
among  other  tribes  in  and  about  Burma,  e.  g.y  the  Kaws,  Was,  Palaungs,  and  the  Hkamoks  of 
Siam:  letter  of  Mr.  Taw  Sein  Ko  to  Thra  Ba  Te,  dated  10th  Oct.,  1917. 

In  a letter  to  the  Baptist  Missionary  Society,  dated  Oct.,  1832,  Dr.  Mason  mentions 
hearing  of  the  shipwreck  on  the  Tenasserim  River  some  decades  before  of  a foreign  merchant 
who  told  the  Karen  that  other  white  men  would  come  and  teach  them  about  God.  He 
adds  that  he  thought  that  the  traditions  came  from  Portuguese  priests  who  had  earlier  come  to 
the  East.  But  in  a later  letter,  dated  Oct.,  1834,  Dr.  Mason  writes  that  he  had  come  to  believe 
that  the  traditions  were  indigenous  with  the  Karen,  whom  he  thought  fo  be  the  lost  Hebrew 
tribes.  He  wrote  a communication  to  the  Government  to  that  effect  from  the  “Headquarters  of 
the  Tenasserim,”  dated  Dec.  6,  1833.  (See  Missionary  Magazine,  Dec.,  1833,  p.  469,  and  Oct. 
1834,  p.  382). 

1^  See  Journal,  American  Folklore,  Vol,  XXXI,  No.  CXX,  pp.  282,  ff.  for  his  review  of  Sir 
J.  G.  Scott’s  Indo-Chinese  Mythology,  in  Mythology  of  All  Races,  Vol.  XII. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KAREN 


11 


Sin-gan-fu.  The  small  number  of  Jewish  immigrants  into  China, 
who  were  chiefly  settled  at  K’ai-fong  in  Ho-nan,  have  never  been 
able  to  exert  the  slightest  influence  on  their  surroundings,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  have  been  so  completely  sinsized  that  they  are  now 
almost  extinct.  Nestorianism  left  no  trace  on  the  thought  of  Chi- 
nese society.  The  inscription  in  question  is  written  in  such  an  ex- 
alted and  highly  literary  style  that  it  is  quite  unintelligible  to  the 
people  and  its  technical  terminology  is  a complete  mystery  to  the 
present  scholars  of  China.  No  popular  influence  can  be  attributed 
to  such  a monument.”  It  appears  that  the  number  and  antiquity  of 
early  Jewish  immigrants  into  China  have  been  much  overestimated 
by  many  writers,  so  that,  if  present  scholarship  is  correct,  this 
source  from  which  the  Karen  could  have  obtained  their  tradition  has 
practically  been  eliminated. 

Though  there  seems  to  be  little  ground  left  for  connecting  the 
Karen  story  of  the  creation  with  either  the  Jewish  or  Nestorian 
colonies  of  China,  there  are  one  or  two  points  that  might  be  borne 
in  mind  in  regard  thereto.  The  story  is  universally  known  among 
the  Karen  tribes  and  most  fully  among  the  Red  Karen,  who  have 
been  least  affected  by  outside  influences  in  recent  times.  It  contains 
no  reference  to  the  life  or  teachings  of  Christ  or  to  any  real 
Messianic  hope,  but  suggests  only  Old  Testament  material,  such  as 
the  creation,  fall,  flood,  and  tower  of  Babel,  besides  containing 
the  Red  Karen  genealogy.  Hence,  it  would  seem  that  we  can  hardly 
attribute  the  story  to  the  Portuguese  missionaries,  who  were  not  in 
Burma  until  the  sixteenth  century  or  later.  It  would  rather  point 
to  an  earlier  Jewish  source,  from  which  the  story  came  back  in  the 
days  when  the  tribes  were  less  divided  than  they  were  later.  For  if 
Christian  teachers  had  taught  the  Karen,  would  they  not  have  made 
a deeper  impression  with  their  story  of  salvation  than  with  the  less 
significant  one  of  creation? 

Some  writers  have  asserted  that  the  original  religion  of  China 
was  a sort  of  monotheism,  in  which  one  god,  the  Emperor  of 
Heaven,  was  somewhat  akin  to  the  Jehovah  of  the  Hebrews, 
though  not  worshiped  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  deities.  There 

See  also  China  and  Religion  by  E.  G.  Parker,  who  says  (page  108)  that  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  Western  religion  in  China  up  to  the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  A.  D..  when 
Christianity  entered  the  country,  except  Buddhism  which  had  come  in  centuries  before.  On  page 
165  he  gives  the  date  of  the  arrival  of  the  Jewish  colonies  in  China  as  1163,  A.  D.  The  article 
on  China  in  the  latest  edition  of  the  Encyclopedia  Brittayiica  also  bears  out  this  testimony. 


12 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


is  a bare  possibility  that  the  Karen  tradition  might  have  some  rela- 
tion to  such  an  ancient  beliefs® 

However,  the  story  of  the  creation  among  these  people  has 
such  a marked  parallelism  with  the  Hebrew  story  that,  even  though 
its  origin  has  not  been  traced,  we  find  it  difficult  to  avoid  the  suspi- 
cion that  it  came  from  an  Hebraic  source,  being  carried  by  some 
wandering  story-teller  or  unknown  missionary  only  to  become  in- 
corporated into  the  tribal  belief  of  the  Karen,  along  with  their  own 
primitive  mythology. 

The  hilly  province  of  Yunnan  in  southwestern  China,  with 
its  great  mixture  of  races,  answers  the  description  of  an  ancient 
reservoir  of  fugitives  and  migrating  groups  from  both  India  and 
China.  In  the  marauding  expeditions  and  massacres  taking  place 
among  the  contending  elements  in  such  a “melting  pot,”  the  oriental 
conquerors  showed  mercy  only  to  the  women  among  the  foe  and 
made  wives  of  them.  On  the  assumption  or  theory  that  the  Karen 
spent  a part  of  their  migratory  period  in  Yunnan,  they  may  have 
preserved  a greater  degree  of  racial  purity  by  their  practice  of 
strict  endogamy  and  their  custom  of  retreating  to  mountain  fast- 
nesses.^^ 

From  Yunnan  the  route  that  was  probably  followed  by  the 
Karen  was  by  way  of  the  Mekong  or  Salween  into  the  upper  part 
of  what  is  now  the  Shan  States.  Thence  they  spread  southward 
over  what  is  now  Karenni  and  then  on  to  Lower  Burma  and 
Tenasserim.^® 

We  are  unable  to  determine  when  these  migrations  took  place, 
or  when  the  Karen  entered  Burma.  If  it  could  be  shown  that  the 
ancestors  of  the  Karen  were  among  those  from  whom  the  drum 
tribute  was  exacted  by  the  Chinese  generals,  we  should  know  that 
they  were  dwellers  in  Yunnan  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

Dr.  Mason  notes  a tradition  that  a Karen  chief  went  to  the  site 
of  Laboung,  intending  to  bring  his  people  to  settle  there,  but  that 
when  he  returned  with  his  followers  the  Shan  had  already  occupied 
the  location.  The  founding  of  Laboung  has  been  fixed  at  574  A.D. 
This  comes  the  nearest  to  being  a definite  landmark  in  the  south- 

John  Ross,  in  The  Original  Religion  of  China,  makes  this  the  subject  of  an  interesting 
volume.  Also  E.  H.  Parker,  in  China  and  Religion,  gives  a few  hints  that  may  show  that  the 
earliest  ancestors  of  the  Chinese  held  one  god  in  much  greater  esteem  than  the  other  beings  in 
their  mythology. 

Sir  J.  G.  Scott,  Introduction  to  Indo-Chinese  Mythology,  Mythology  of  all  Races,  p.  258. 

C.  C.  Lowis  on  Burma,  Ethnological  Survey  of  India,  (1910)  p.  15. 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KAREN 


13 


ward  migration  of  the  Karen  people.  The  vicinity  of  Laboung  was 
probably  the  stopping-place  on  their  long  journey.’® 

Mr.  J.  O’Riley,  one  of  the  earliest  English  officers  to  travel  in 
the  Karenni,  writes  that  he  found  traditions  indicating  that  the 


Karen  Hill  Men  Coming  Down  to  the  Plains 


country  around  Pagan  was  one  of  the  early  homes  of  the  Karen 
and  that  they  were  driven  southwest  from  there,  while  the  Chinese 
who  were  with  them  were  driven  back  to  their  own  country,  and  the 
Kollahs  (foreigners),  northward.  The  Karen  then  appear  to  have 
gone  to  the  Shan  country,  Hyoung  Yuay,  and  thence  to  have  been 
driven  to  the  Myobyay  province.  Here,  according  to  tradition,  they 
were  again  attacked  and,  having  in  time  greatly  increased  in  num- 
bers, they  turned  against  the  Shan,  expelled  them,  and  occupied 
the  present  Red  Karen  country.^® 

The  fact  that  the  Karen  are  found  farther  south  than  the  Shan 
also  argues  that  they  migrated  earlier  and  were  perhaps  pushed 
on  by  the  latter,  who  in  turn  may  have  given  way  before  a more 
powerful  force  at  their  heels.  O’Riley  learned  of  a tradition  of  the 
Red  Karen  which  suggested  that  they  had  lived  ten  generations  in 
their  present  home.^’  This  would  limit  their  sojourn  here  to  a 


Lt.  Col.  A.  R.  MacMahon,  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese^  p.  114. 


14 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


period  of  less  than  three  hundred  years.  This  is  doubtless  much 
too  low  an  estimate,  unless  it  refers  to  the  time  of  their  domicile 
in  the  particular  district  now  occupied. 

In  so  far  as  we  may  venture  a conclusion,  it  is  that  the  Karen 
migrated  into  Burma,  coming  from  the  ancient  home  of  the  early 
tribes  inhabiting  the  country  of  China,  with  whom  they  are  re- 
lated by  tribal,  linguistic,  and  possibly  religious  ties,  the  full  sig- 
nificance of  which  are  yet  to  be  determined. 

Note.  Various  Theories  of  the  Origin  and  Tribal  Relationships  of  the 
Karen. — From  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  many  theories  regarding 
the  origin  and  racial  affinity  of  the  Karen  have  been  propounded  by  writers 
on  Burma.  J.  R.  Logan,  writing  in  1850  in  the  Journal  of  the  Indian  Archipel- 
ago (Vol.  IV,  p.  478)  connects  this  people  with  the  tribes  in  the  highlands  of 
the  Kolan  and  Irrawaddy  and  in  the  lower  bend  of  the  Brahmaputra.  Writing 
again  in  the  same  Journal  in  1858  (New  Series,  Vol.  II,  p.  387)  Logan  main- 
tains that  the  Karen  language  is  a dialect  of  the  Irrawaddo-Brahmaputran 
dialect,  affected  by  Chinese  influence  as  it  came  south.  Professor  De  Lacou- 
perie  in  his  introduction  to  Colquhoun’s  Amongst  the  Shans  (pp.  xxxviii,  ff.) 
argues  that  the  Karen  are  descended  from  the  ancient  Tek  or  Tok  tribes  of 
central  Asia.  Early  missionaries  and  other  writers,  including  Denniker. 
(Races  of  Man,  p.  395)  believed  that  the  Kachin  and  Chin  formed  a branch  of 
the  Karen  race.  The  Archaeological  Survey  of  Burma  has  linked  the  Karen 
both  with  the  ancient  Kanran,  one  of  the  three  primitive  tribes  mentioned  in 
Burmese  annals,  and  with  the  Miao  and  Yao  of  Yunnan  (Report  of  1916). 
But  the  Kanran  were  driven  southwestward  from  the  region  around  Prome 
and  seem  to  have  disappeared  from  history.  (Phayre,  History  of  Burma,  pp. 
5-19.)  The  linguistic  differences  between  the  Miao,  Yao,  and  Karen  have  led  to 
the  abandonment  of  the  idea  that  they  are  closely  related.  In  fact,  all  of  these 
views  have  been  given  up,  because  they  were  based  on  an  inadequate  knowl- 
edge of  the  tribes  concerned. 

Dr.  Mason,  in  the  Journal,  Asiatic  Soc.  of  Bengal  (Vol.  XXXVII,  p.  162, 
1868,)  says  that  the  first  historical  notice  of  the  Karen  is  in  Marco  Polo’s 
travels  in  the  13th  Century.  He  quotes  Malte  Brun  on  the  basis  of  Marco 
Polo’s  travels,  as  follows:  “ ‘This  country  of  Caride  is  the  southeastern  point  of 
Tibet,  and  perhaps  the  country  of  the  nation  of  the  Cariaines ; which  is  spread 
over  Ava.’  This  statement  is  confirmed  by  old  Bghai  poetry  in  which  we  find  in- 
cidentally mentioned  the  town  of  Bhamo  to  which  they  formerly  were  in  the 
habit  of  going  to  buy  axes  and  bills  or  cleavers,  as  they  do  now  at  Toungoo. 
When  this  poetry  was  composed  they  lived  five  hundred  miles  north  of  their 
present  locality.”  These  geographical  allusions  seem  so  vague  that  it  appears 
to  be  impossible  to  build  much  of  a theory  upon  them.  Perhaps  the  lines  refer- 
ring to  Bhamo  may  refer  to  a trading  expedition  and  not  to  a line  of  mi- 
gration. And  the  statement  of  Malte  Brun  is  only  conjecture  at  the  most. 

In  their  excellent  work  on  The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Hose  and  Me- 


J.  O'Riley,  Journal.  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  IV,  N.S.  (1859),  p.  8. 
=1  Ibid, 


THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  KAREN 


15 


Dougall  say  that  “of  all  the  tribes  of  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  con- 
tinent, the  one  which  seems  to  us  most  closely  akin  to  the  Kayans  [of  Borneo] 
is  that  which  comprises  the  several  tribes  of  the  Karen.”  (Vol.  II,  p.  235). 

The  similarity  in  culture  and  physical  characteristics  of  the  Kayan  and 
Karen  with  some  of  the  tribes  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  e.  g.,  the  Davao  and 
Tinguian  tribes,  or  between  the  Karen  and  certain  of  the  Malays,  is  strong. 
The  similarity  of  the  name  “Kayan”  with  that  by  which  the  Karen  are  known 
to  the  Burmans  is  also  striking ; but  it  seems  fairly  clear  that  if  this  accidental 
similarity  of  name  did  not  exist,  the  Kayans  would  not  have  been  considered 
closer  than  the  Dyaks  in  kinship  to  the  Karen.  Dr.  J.  H.  Vinton,  who  has  had 
a life-long  acquaintance  with  the  Karen,  thinks  that  they  are  resembled  more 
by  the  Dyaks  than  by  the  Kayans.  He  expressed  this  view  after  a recent  tour 
through  Borneo.  These  similarities  suggest  that  most  of  these  tribes  are  not 
far  removed  from  one  another,  and  that  they  all  belong  to  the  Indo-Chinese 
stock,  which,  in  turn,  resembles  the  South  China  type,  due  no  doubt  to  a 
common  ancestry  in  the  remote  past. 


Karen  Men  from  the  Hills,  Tharrawaddy  District 
The  second  man  from  the  left  is  a village  chief  or  headman.  The  fourth 
is  a plainsman,  who  is  the  teacher  in  Pankabin  Village 


CHAPTER  III 


PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

The  Karen  are  of  medium  height.  On  the  plains  they  average 
about  five  feet,  four  inches,  in  stature,  and  in  the  hills  they  are  about 
three  inches  shorter.  The  women  are  smaller  than  the  men.^  The 
hill  people  have  the  harder  struggle  for  a livelihood  and  are  also 
more  liable  to  attacks  of  malaria.  The  Brecs  show  evident  signs  of 
stunted  growth.  On  the  plains  and  in  the  more  fertile  lower  hills 
we  find  that  the  Karen  are  a stocky  race  with  broad,  well-built 
bodies,  strong  legs,  and  well-rounded  calves.  The  legs  are  often 
short  in  proportion  to  the  body.  Karen  players  on  a football  team 
are  usually  noticeable  for  their  sturdy  appearance,  in  contrast  with 
the  slimmer  Burman  boys.  They  are  capable  of  considerable  physi- 
cal exertion,  but  soon  tire.  The  women  are  well  formed  and  buxom. 
They  have  an  erect  carriage,  being  used  to  bearing  heavy  burdens 
on  their  heads  or  backs.  Their  teeth,  like  the  men’s,  are  stained 
with  continual  betel  chewing.  In  the  hills  their  lack  of  bathing  and 
their  accumulations  of  beads  and  channs  detract  from  their  ap- 
pearance ; but  when  they  have  taken  on  more  cleanly  ways  they  be- 
come not  unattractive.  Their  youth  is  cut  short  by  heavy  work  in 
the  field,  constant  childbearing,  and  nursing,  and  soon  the  signs  of 
age  appear. 

The  color  of  the  Karen  varies  all  the  way  from  a light  olive 
complexion  to  a dark  coffee  brown.  On  the  whole,  their  color  could 
be  said  to  range  between  that  of  the  Burmans  and  the  Chinese. 
Those  who  work  indoors  are,  of  course,  lighter  than  those  who 
work  in  the  open.  Many  skins  have  a distinctly  yellowish  or  red- 

1 I took  a few  measurements  with  the  tape  line,  and  found  that  about  seventy  men  on  the 
plains  gave  the  above  average.  The  tallest  was  five  feet,  nine  inches,  and  the  shortest  was  four 
feet,  eleven  inches.  In  the  hills  my  measurments  were  confined  to  one  village.  Here  the  headman 
was  the  tallest,  measuring  five  feet,  six  inches.  The  shortest  man  in  the  village  was  four  feet 
and  eleven  inches  in  height.  Of  about  twenty  women  measured  the  tallest  was  five  feet,  five 
inches,  and  the  shortest,  four  feet,  nine  inches.  Three  were  each  four  feet,  ten  inches.  The 
average  among  the  women  was  a very  small  fraction  over  five  feet.  Dr.  Mason  gives  the  short- 
est man,  a Bghai  chief,  as  being  only  four  feet,  eight  inches  high,  while  the  shortest  woman  he 
measured  was  four  feet,  five  inches  tall.  (Jour.,  Asiatic  Soc.  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XXXV,  p.  7.) 
MacMahon  notes  that  in  the  Red  Karen  country  the  women  are  usually  as  tall  as,  if  not  taller 
than,  the  men.  (The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese,  p.  56.) 


16 


PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


1 


Profile  View 


Karen  Family  With  Traces  of  Negrito  Blood — Front  View 
The  rest  of  the  villagers,  to  whom  this  family  is  related  by  the  usual 
web  of  intermarriages,  acknowledge  the  difference  of  feature,  but  are 
at  a loss  to  account  for  it. 


18 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


dish  tinge.  Infants  are  often  almost  as  white  as  European  children. 
Red  cheeks  are  not  infrequently  found  in  the  Toungoo  hills. - 

Though  we  often  find  considerable  individuality  in  the  facial 
features  of  the  Karen,  they  conform  more  or  less  to  type,  which 
consists  of  the  broad  flat  face  of  the  Mongolian  races  with  high 
cheek-bones  and  widely  set  eyes.  The  eyes  have  narrow  palpebral 
openings,  sometimes  slanted,  and  the  characteristic  fold  at  the 
nasal  end.  The  nose  is  broad  and  flat  without  much  of  a bridge. 
The  plane  of  the  nostrils  is  tilted  upward,  so  that  the  septum  and 
nostrils  are  quite  noticeable.  The  mouth  is  usually  well  shaped,  but 
a few  individuals  have  thick  lips  and  a heavy  negroid  mouth.  The 
teeth  are  quite  regular  and,  when  not  stained  with  betel,  are  white 
and  shining. 

In  the  Pegu  Hills,  in  the  village  of  Ngepe,  I found  a family  that 
had  decidedly  negroid  features.  (See  cuts  on  p.  17.)  The  contrast 
with  the  rest  of  the  villagers  was  marked.  Although  I could  get  no 
hint  of  a different  ancestry  in  the  case  of  the  exceptional  family 
from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  people,  it  was  obvious  that  an  admix- 
ture of  Negrito  blood  must  have  taken  place  somewhere. 

The  hair  of  the  Karen  is  generally  black,  straight,  and  coarse. 
Once  in  a while  wavy  hair  is  found,  and  in  rare  cases  it  seems  to 
be  almost  as  kinky  as  that  of  the  African.  Wavy  hair  is  not  ad- 
mired, but,  on  the  contrary,  is  much  disliked.  The  Karen  have  an 
abundance  of  hair  on  the  scalp.  It  often  reaches  to  the  waist,  and 
I have  noticed  a few  instances  in  which  it  reached  to  the  ground. 
In  the  early  days  the  custom  was  for  both  sexes  to  wear  the  hair 
long,  but  now  the  men  usually  wear  theirs  short. 

The  men  have  scant  beards  which  are  seldom  allowed  to  grow, 
being  pulled  out  with  tweezers.  The  mustache  is  prized  and  is 
coaxed  to  become  as  luxuriant  as  possible.  In  the  few  cases  where 
the  beard  is  allowed  to  grow,  it  resembles  the  beards  of  Chinese 
men.  However,  I know  a Karen  teacher  in  Bassein  who  has  a beard 
that  would  please  any  inhabitant  of  Russia.  A mole  with  a few 
hairs  growing  from  it  is  greatly  treasured,  the  hairs  being  allowed 
to  grow  as  long  as  they  will.  Hair  on  the  body  and  chest  of  the 

- According  to  Breca’s  plates  for  classifying  the  color  of  the  skin  I found,  in  examining 
about  ninety  persons,  that  twenty-five  matched  No.  30  of  his  series;  nineteen.  No.  25  : fifteen,  No. 
44  : eight.  No.  26  ; five  each.  Nos.  20  and  45  ; three  each.  Nos.  24  and  31  ; two.  No.  21,  and  one 
each.  Nos.  37,  40,  47,  and  53.  The  lightest  color  found  was  No.  24.  One  of  the  fair  ones 
was  an  infant,  and  the  other  two  were  men.  namely,  a clerk  and  a hill  boy.  The  darkest  com- 
plexion corresponded  to  No.  37,  of  which  I found  but  one.  No.  29.  which  was  the  color  of  five 
of  the  subjects  examined,  is  a much  redder  hue  than  No.  37.  All  determinations  of  color  were 
made  on  unexposed  parts  of  the  body  where  the  skin  had  not  been  tanned  by  sunlight. 


PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


19 


men  is  rare.  I can  recall  only  one  man  who  had  a hairy  chest. 
There  is  nothing  unusual  about  the  eyebrows. 

The  Karen  seem  to  be  susceptible  to  all  the  diseases  prevalent 
in  the  country.  Children  are  seen  more  often  than  not  with  dis- 
tended bowels,  due  to  worms.  Enlarged  spleen  is  the  rule  in  the 
hills,  where  malaria  is  so  prevalent.  A number  of  cases  in  which  a 
low  vitality  has  caused  ulcers  to  break  out  and  involve  the  entire 
system  have  come  under  my  notice.  Epidemics  of  measles  are 
much  feared,  due  to  complications  induced  by  bathing  soon  after  the 
rash  has  disappeared,  the  bathing  being  thought  necessary.  Small- 
pox does  not  cause  much  apprehension.  The  bubonic  plague  has 
never  claimed  many  Karen  victims,  but  the  influenza  was  terribly 
fatal  during  the  cool  season  of  1918-19.  Tuberculosis  is  one  of  the 
many  diseases  from  the  West  that  is  claiming  its  victims  among  the 
Karen  people.  Though  their  open-air  life  safeguards  them  some- 
what, their  fear  of  demons  causes  them  to  cover  their  heads  at 
night,  and  they  breathe  only  through  their  blankets.  Those  who 
live  in  the  better  built  houses  on  the  plains  also  deprive  themselves 
of  fresh  air  by  retiring  into  the  close  inner  room  of  their  homes  in 
order  to  avoid  the  smell  of  cooking,  which  they  fear.  Such  super- 
stitious practices  furnish  ideal  breeding-places  for  germs.  The  un- 
balanced diet  of  the  Karen  also  restricts  their  disease-resisting 
powers.  One  hopes  that,  with  improved  ideas  on  sanitation  and 
hygiene,  the  people  of  this  race  will  not  only  be  relieved  from  the 
present  high  rate  of  infant  mortality,  but  also  that  those  surviving 
may  attain  greater  longevity. 

The  presence  of  certain  birth-marks  on  the  children  of  Mongo- 
lian parents  has  been  thought  by  some  scientists  to  be  an  important 
criterion  for  distinguishing  members  of  that  race.®  The  Karen  in- 
fants certainly  have  these  blue  patches  on  the  back  and  buttocks. 
Sometimes  they  are  so  indistinct  as  to  be  hardly  noticeable, 
and  again  they  are  clear  and  bright.  They  are  irregular  in  shape 
and  size.  My  observations  confirm  the  accuracy  of  the  census  re- 
turns, namely,  that  about  seven  out  of  ten  children  have  these  marks 
at  birth.  They  usually  disappear  by  the  time  a child  is  a year  old. 
The  Karen  explanation  for  them  is  that  they  are  the  stains  of  leaves, 
on  which  the  spirits  of  the  children  sat  or  laid  down  to  rest  in  the 
course  of  their  long  and  wearisome  journey  from  their  former 
abode.  These  marks  are  thought  to  show  that  the  children  having 


The  Indian  Imperial  Census,  1911,  Burma.  Pt.  I,  281-2S6. 


20 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


I 


[IAW  Kakkn  Y()UN(i  Bloods,  Ngapk  Eh  Villacjk,  Tharrawaddy  Hii.ls  (Front  and  Side  Views) 
hike  most  mountain  people,  the  Karen  are  a stocky  race. 


PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


21 


them  will  be  strong,  and  mothers  are  glad  to  see  them  on  their  off- 
spring. Perhaps  they  reason  that  if  the  baby  spirit  was  able  to 
stand  the  long  journey  necessary  to  come  to  the  birth,  it  will  en- 
dure the  longer  journey  of  this  human  existence. 

I have  noticed  a few  cases  of  homosexuals  among  the  Karen, 
though  they  do  not  seem  to  be  as  common  as  among  the  Buraiese. 
These  individuals,  who  assume  more  or  less  the  dress  and  customs 
of  the  opposite  sex,  have  been  known  to  contract  unions  with  others 
of  the  same  sex  and  live  as  husband  and  wife.  The  cases  I found 
have  all  been  on  the  plains. 


CHAPTER  IV 


MENTAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS 
OF  THE  KAREN 

The  Karen  draws  the  blinds  over  the  windows  of  his  heart  and 
leaves  one  to  wonder  what  goes  on  within.  I once  asked  an  educated 
Karen  what  he  thought  was  the  chief  characteristic  of  his  race,  and 
he  immediately  replied  that  they  are  a people  who  can  be  afraid. 
Centuries  of  subjugation  and  oppression  have  filled  them  with  fear. 
During  the  protracted  period  of  their  tribulations,  to  be  caught 
by  a Burman  was  to  be  stripped  of  everything,  even  of  one’s  cloth- 
ing, and  to  be  beaten  into  the  bargain.  Where  only  a few  families 
lived  on  the  plains,  the  women  with  child  dared  not  undergo  confine- 
ment in  their  houses,  lest  they  could  not  escape  from  a sudden 
attack  by  their  oppressors.  Karen  cartmen  still  drive  around 
a village  rather  than  through  it,  although  they  know  there  is  little 
danger  of  having  dogs  set  on  them,  as  there  used  to  be.  Not  only 
does  the  Karen  fear  his  fellow-men,  but  he  is  also  terrified  by  the 
strange  and  weird  beings,  demons  and  ghosts,  with  which  his  imag- 
ination and  credulity  people  the  world.  Should  he,  even  by  chance, 
offend  any  of  these — and  it  is  easily  done  he  thinks — he  must  live 
in  dread  of  their  vengeance.  His  religion  is  one  of  fear,  precaution, 
and  propitiatory  sacrifice.  The  trepidations  of  the  past  have  been 
perpetuated  through  generations  and,  though  education  has  stifled 
them  in  a measure,  they  still  crop  out  on  occasion  even  in  the  most 
advanced  members  of  the  race. 

The  Karen  is  led  into  all  sorts  of  difficulties  by  his  timidity. 
He  is  apprehensive  and  desirous  of  avoiding  trouble  with  officers 
or  others.  When  brought  into  court  to  answer  questions,  often  this 
fear  will  lead  him  to  deny  any  knowledge  of  the  facts,  instead  of  re- 
lating what  he  has  seen ; or  he  may  acknowledge  the  opposite  of 
what  he  wants  to  prove.  Not  long  ago  I heard  of  a man  who  had 
what  seemed  to  be  a good  case,  but  on  the  witness-stand  he  swore 
to  the  opposite  of  what  he  had  told  previously.  When  asked  why 
he  did  so,  he  replied  that  he  was  so  scared  that  he  did  not  know  what 
he  was  saying.  In  thus  yielding  to  his  timidity  the  Karen  often  in- 


22 


MENTAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  KAREN  23 

volves  himself  in  serious  difficulty,  for  his  mistakes  are  easily 
detected. 

Shyness,  caution,  and  concealment  are  fruits  of  this  trait  of 
fear.  I have  often  heard  a veteran  school-teacher  remark  that  the 
Karen  never  puts  his  best  foot  foremost.  In  the  past  it  was  not 
safe  for  him  to  do  so.  Concealment  was  one  of  his  natural  means 
of  protection.  To  show  signs  of  prosperity  or  admit  having  posses- 
sions was  only  tempting  his  more  powerful  neighbors  to  come  and 
dispossess  him.  I know  of  recent  instances  of  persecution  of  one  sort 
or  another  being  visited  upon  certain  Karen  villages  on  account 
of  their  prosperous  condition.  In  the  days  of  the  Ancient  Regime 
the  French  peasantry  simulated  poverty,  in  order  to  protect  their 
property  from  the  tax-collector.  The  Karen  has  been  preyed  upon 
in  various  ways  in  earlier  and  later  times,  and  in  his  fear  and 
helplessness  he  has  resorted  to  the  method  of  the  European  peasant. 
Shyness  and  caution  are  marked  traits  of  the  Karen  women  even 
more  than  of  the  men.  Indeed,  I have  seen  all  the  inhabitants 
of  a village  run  to  the  jungle  when  I came  in  sight.  A group  of 
girls  out  gathering  firewood  dropped  their  faggots  and  disappeared 
as  fast  as  possible  at  the  approach  of  my  party  along  the  path.  In 
their  attempts  to  hide  their  shyness,  schoolgirls  often  succeed  in 
attracting  the  attention  they  are  trying  to  avoid. 

A leading  authority  on  Burma  has  said  that  the  Karen  are 
“absolutely  devoid  of  humor.”  ^ Having  had  years  of  experience  as 
a missionary  among  these  people,  I may  be  allowed  to  dilfer  from 
the  opinion  just  quoted.  The  authority  referred  to  was  a high  Gov- 
ernment official,  and  I am  quite  sure  that  no  Karen  would  be  so 
self-forgetful  as  to  risk  offending  the  dignity  of  such  a personage. 
One  who  has  entered  into  intimate  association  with  these  people, 
has  been  entertained  in  their  houses,  and  has  sat  beside  their  fire- 
places will  testify  to  their  love  of  fun  and  their  jolly  laughter.  For 
myself  I ask  for  no  lighter-hearted  companions  than  those  with 
whom  I have  traveled  over  the  plains  and  hills,  and  whom  I have 
met  in  distant  villages.  They  are  keen  enough  to  see  the  humor  in 
some  of  their  folklore  tales,  in  embarrassing  situations,  and  in  the 
little  mishaps  of  daily  life,  and  to  laugh  heartily  when  these  are 
told.  They  are  also  capable  of  enjoying  practical  jokes.  This  is 
illustrated  by  the  instance  of  a young  man  who  by  mistake  shot 
a vulture,  as  it  flew  up  out  of  the  bushes,  and  decided  to  serve  the 


^ Sir  J.  G.  Scott,  Burmay  A Handbook,  p.  120. 


24 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Kapkn  Bovs 

Most  of  the  crowd  that  gathered  to  watch  the  foreigner  have  already  fled.  Only  a 
few  brave  hoys  remain  to  face  the  camera. 


Playmates — Karen  Boys  and  the  Sons  of  the  Author 
Notice  the  unusually  curly  hair  of  one  of  the  Karen  boys,  all  of  whom  are  brothers,  children 
of  a Bassein  man  and  a Toungoo  woman. 


MENTAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  KAREN  25 


breast  of  the  great  bird,  cooked  with  curry  well  spiced,  to  some  of 
his  chums.  The  flesh  of  the  creature  proved  to  be  both  tough  and 
strong,  and  when  one  of  the  guests  left  the  group  to  wash  out  his 
mouth,  the  host  beat  a hasty  retreat.  The  other  villagers,  who 
promptly  heard  of  the  unpalatable  feast,  amused  themselves  by 
asking  the  guests  how  they  enjoyed  it. 

The  Karen  are  accustomed  to  say  of  themselves  that  “they  put 
a thing  in  the  heart.”  They  mean  by  this  that  they  hold  their  peace, 
but  do  not  forget  slights,  grudges,  disagreeable  requests,  and  the 
like.  If  a Karen  is  asked  to  do  something  he  does  not  want  to  do, 
he  may  reply  with  a grunt  suggesting  an  assent,  but  does  not  com- 
ply with  the  request  and  fails  to  put  in  an  appearance  again  soon. 
He  does  not  refuse  at  the  time,  fearing  to  cause  trouble.  In  the 
same  way  a slight  or  an  insult  is  “put  in  the.  heart”  without  retort 
or  demonstration  of  anger.  He  dissimulates  and  waits  for  his  re- 
venge. Before  the  British  established  orderly  government  in  the 
country,  many  a raid  was  executed  to  pay  off  a grudge  or  an  insult 
cherished  in  the  heart.  For  the  man  of  little  or  no  influence  in  his 
village  there  was  a secret  method  of  vengeance,  namely,  by  resorting 
to  magic  or  to  poison.  It  was  the  fear  of  this  vengeful  trait  in  the 
Karen  that  for  years  prevented  the  Burman  subordinate  officials 
from  crossing  Thaukgeyat  Creek  into  the  Toungoo  Hills. 

The  repudiation  of  a friend  is  not  unknown  among  the  Karen, 
but  such  conduct  is  rare.  In  general,  they  are  cautious  in  entering 
into  friendships,  but,  having  done  so,  are  faithful  and  sincere  to 
those  whose  confldence  they  accept  in  exchange  for  their  own. 
Blood-brotherhood  is  a recognized  institution  among  them,  having 
been  much  more  prevalent  in  the  past  than  at  present ; and  the  bond 
signifled  by  it  in  most  of  the  Karen  tribes  was  stronger  than  the 
ties  of  family.  Westerners  make  friends  more  quickly  than  the 
Karen,  but  Western  haste  and  impatience  are  not  winsome  qualities 
to  the  latter. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Karens  are  stubborn.  They  do  not 
reach  quick  decisions  in  regard  to  matters  novel  to  them  and  can 
not  be  forced  to  do  so.  But  if  given  time  to  consider  after  a full 
explanation,  they  are  pretty  sure  to  return  later  and  offer 
their  reasons  for  not  consenting  to  the  proposition ; and  if  allowed 
to  talk  the  matter  out,  their  objections  being  answered  and  time 
given  for  their  consideration,  they  will  most  likely  be  persuaded. 
When  thus  convinced,  their  loyal  cooperation  may  generally  be  de- 


26 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


pended  on.  I have  known  not  a few  Government  officials  who,  by 
such  methods,  have  won  the  confidence  and  earnest  support  of  the 
people  with  whom  they  were  dealing.  It  is  unfortunate,  howevei’, 
that  the  number  of  such  officers  is  not  larger.  While  the  Karen  have 
not  always  been  treated  with  proper  consideration  and  have  some- 
times failed  to  understand  the  aims  and  methods  of  the  British 
Government,  they  are  deeply  attached  to  it. 

It  is  true  that  the  Karen  are  not  as  quick-witted  as  some  of  the 
other  races  of  the  Orient.  Nevertheless,  they  are  in  some  respects 
out-distancing  their  more  facile  neighbors.  They  excel  in  the  rou- 
tine of  their  daily  tasks.  This  is  observable  in  the  schools,  where 
the  Karen  boys  usually  take  the  lead  in  the  daily  recitations,  but 
make  a poorer  showing  in  the  written  and  oral  examinations.  Sev- 
eral Government  officers  have  spoken  in  high  terms  of  their  Karen 
clerks,  commending  their  faithfulness  and  honesty.  Not  infre- 
quently it  happens  that  such  a faithful  worker  finds  that  some 
astute  associate  has  gained  the  credit  and  reward  that  should  have 
been  his.  The  Karen  are  not  blind  to  disappointments  of  this  sort, 
as  the  following  fable  shows : A man,  about  to  leave  home,  ordered 
his  pig  and  dog  to  prepare  a plot  of  ground  for  planting  as  a gar- 
den. The  pig  was  industrious  and  rooted  until  he  had  all  but  fin- 
ished turning  over  the  plot,  while  the  dog  spent  his  time  lying  under 
a tree.  Late  in  the  afternoon,  before  the  master’s  return,  the  dog 
jumped  up  and  scratched  about  here  and  there  in  the  soft  earth. 
When  he  heard  his  master  coming,  he  ran  barking  down  the  path  to 
meet  him  and  told  him  that  the  pig  had  been  working  but  a short 
time,  while  he  had  been  digging  all  day.  The  faithful  pig,  mean- 
while, was  so  busy  rooting  in  the  farthest  corner  of  the  lot,  try- 
ing to  finish  before  his  owner’s  return,  that  he  knew  nothing  of 
what  was  going  on.  The  credulous  man  believed  the  dog’s  deceitful 
words,  killed  the  pig,  and  only  discovered  his  mistake  when  it  was 
too  late.  This  fable  is  epitomized  in  the  proverb,  “The  dog 
scratches  in  the  pig’s  place.”  For  many  a Karen  this  is  all  too  true. 

Early  writers  speak  of  the  peaceableness,  honesty,  and  good- 
ness of  the  Karen.®  There  are,  of  course,  in  every  nation  those  who 
belie  any  statement  concerning  the  people  as  a whole.  However,  I 
have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  deceit  and  trickery  are  not  common 
among  the  Karen.  I have  been  told  by  peddlers  and  others,  who 
often  have  to  carry  valuable  goods  and  money  into  the  jungle,  that 

-Sangermano,  Description  of  the  Burmese  Empire,  1783-1808,  iRangoon,  1885)  p.  36: 
Maj.  Snodgrass,  The  Narrative  of  the  Burmese  War,  (London,  1827)  Vol.  I,  p.  142. 


MENTAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  KAREN  27 


they  prefer  to  spend  their  nights  in  Karen  villages  and  do  so  when- 
ever possible.  In  the  Karen  hills  the  paddy-bins,  in  which  is  stored 
the  year’s  supply  of  rice,  are  situated  far  away  from  the  village 
along  the  jungle  paths.  It  is  almost  unknown  for  grain  to  be  stolen 
from  them.  Among  some  of  the  tribes  east  of  Toungoo  stealing 
was  punished,  until  recently,  by  death.  Dr.  Mason  says  that  he  has 
never  found  a Karen  who  would  not  lie,  if  it  was  to  his  advantage 
to  do  so.  This  does  not  agree  with  my  experience. 

In  various  respects,  certainly,  Karen  conduct  differs  from  Eu- 
ropean conduct.  To  expect  the  same  standards  would  be  unrea- 
sonable. Any  fair  estimate  of  the  Karen,  as  of  any  other  primitive 
people,  must  take  into  account  the  fact  that  morality  with  them  is 
group  conduct.  The  behavior  of  the  individual  must  be  I'egarded 
in  the  light  of  the  life  and  customs  of  the  group  to  which  he  be- 
longs. If  the  actions  of  the  people,  considered  thus  in  relation  to 
their  own  social  status,  appear  capable  of  betterment,  efforts 
should  be  put  forth  to  lead  the  primitive  folk  to  the  higher  level. 

The  Karen  possess  intellectual  capacity  commensurate  with 
that  of  other  races  of  Burma.  Being  subject  people  in  the  country, 
their  ancestors  were  precluded  from  independent  thought  and  ac- 
tion in  essential  matters.  With  the  advent  of  education  a sufficient 
number  of  the  young  men  and  women,  though  the  proportion  of  the 
latter  is  small,  has  taken  collegiate  courses  with  credit  to  show 
that  they  are  not  inferior  to  others.  The  same  may  be  said  of  many 
who  have  won  success  in  practical  lines  of  work.  I could  name  sev- 
eral Karens  occupying  positions  of  responsibility  that  require  high 
mental  attainments,  who  are  demonstrating  that  they  are  not  lack- 
ing therein. 

The  old  practice  of  village  communities  in  exiling  widows  and 
orphans  to  the  jungle,  and  the  occasional  abandonment  of  little 
children  by  their  parents  wffio  were  attempting  to  escape  from 
raiders  are,  happily,  things  of  the  past.  Fear,  the  instinct  of  self- 
preservation,  and  superstition  serve  to  explain  such  phenomena, 
which  must  not  be  taken  as  indicating  that  the  Karen  are  lacking 
in  love  for  children  or  in  humane  sentiments.  Nowadays  orphans 
find  a home  without  difficulty ; widows  and  aged  persons  are  cared 
for;  parents  enjoy  their  firesides  and  manifest  love  for  their  off- 
spring, with  whom  they  are,  in  fact,  too  indulgent,  even  to  their 
hurt ; and  young  men  and  women  are  not  above  giving  tender  care 
to  some  little  niece  or  nephew. 


28 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A Paku  School  Girl,  Toungoo 


MENTAL  AND  MORAL  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  KAREN  29 


The  Karen  have  been  addicted  to  the  use  of  liquor.  Their 
feasts  and  religious  observances  have  been  occasions  for  drinking. 
It  is  reported  that  the  Brecs  are  accustomed  to  store  their  grain  in 
two  bins,  one  (often  the  larger  one)  for  that  of  which  liquor  is  to 
be  made,  and  the  other  for  that  which  is  to  be  used  as  food.  On  the 
plains  I have  not  found  the  Karen  greater  drinkers  than  their 
neighbors.  With  the  decay  of  the  old  rites  and  the  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity the  evil  seems  to  be  on  the  decline.  Among  the  members 
of  the  Baptist  churches,  however  it  may  be  in  the  other  denomina- 
tions, total  abstinence  is  enjoined. 

The  Karen  are  lovers  of  music.  In  the  early  days  they  accom- 
panied the  chanting  of  their  poems  on  their  primitive  harps  and 
other  instruments.  The  people  of  the  Pegu  Yomas,  Tenasserim,  in 
the  delta  of  the  Irrawaddy,  have  interesting  tunes,  which  have  been 
in  use  from  the  olden  times.  In  other  districts  they  have  contented 
themselves  with  the  rythm  of  chanting  and  moaning,  melodies  be- 
ing conspicuous  by  their  absence.  The  Maw  Lay  and  other  religious 
sects  have  had  their  own  songs,  which  may  be  said  to  correspond 
to  Christian  hymns.  With  the  introduction  of  Christianity  came 
the  music  of  the  Western  hymn-book,  and  to  this  the  Karen  have 
taken  with  their  whole  hearts.  They  love  to  sing  and  do  not  grow 
weary  of  it,  however  late  the  hour.  Occidental  music  has  taken 
such  a hold  on  those  who  have  become  Christians  that  they  have  al- 
most entirely  given  up  their  native  music.  A few  hymns  are  some- 
times sung  to  adaptations  of  their  old  tunes ; but  they  prefer  the 
Western  melodies,  and  few  of  the  young  people  know  any  other. 
They  learn  the  new  tunes  readily  and  are  able  to  sing  glees  and 
anthems  by  ear  after  a moderate  amount  of  practice.  Their  voices 
are  much  softer  than  those  of  the  Burmese  and  blend  well  in 
choruses.  Some  of  the  young  women  have  very  sweet  voices,  which 
seldom  become  harsh  and  rasping.  While  traveling  in  the  hill  coun- 
try I was  delighted  one  evening  with  the  sweet  voice  of  a young 
woman,  which  came  floating  up  from  the  stream  where  she  was 
drawing  water.  She  was  singing  an  old  “hta”  or  poem,  while  I 
listened  unobserved  behind  a clump  of  bamboos.  No  sooner  did  I 
step  into  the  open  than  she  ceased,  and  I could  not  persuade  her  to 
continue  the  song. 

One  discovers  but  few  indications  of  a love  of  beauty  among 
the  Karen.  They  make  little  attempt  to  ornament  their  houses  or 
their  implements,  so  that  the  evidence  of  their  possessing  a sense 


30 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


of  color  and  design  is  practically  limited  to  the  woven  patterns  of 
somp  of  their  garments.  They  have  only  a scant  vocabulary  for 
colors.  I have  seldom  heard  them  remark  on  the  beauty  of  a sunset 
or  the  glories  of  a sunrise.  Sometimes  they  have  called  attention 
to  a pleasing  landscape,  but  I have  wondered  whether  they  were 
not  doing  so  because  they  knew  of  my  pleasure  in  such  scenes. 

The  Karen  is  a plebeian.  His  manners  at  home  are  crude,  al- 
though he  is  not  without  a certain  personal  dignity.  His  shy- 
ness in  the  presence  of  strangers,  especially  of  those  whom  he 
fears,  causes  him  embarrassment.  Under  such  circumstances  he 
often  impresses  one  as  being  impolite.  He  is  not  servile.  It  has 
never  been  his  custom  to  “shiko”.-^  The  greatest  chief  is  a comrade 
among  his  men,  who  do  not  yield  their  self-respect  in  his  presence. 
Nevertheless,  the  inherent  timidity  of  the  race  shows  itself  in  the 
avoidance  of  making  a request  in  person.  A request  may  expose 
the  one  making  it  to  the  chagrin  of  a refusal  and  the  one  addressed 
to  the  unpleasant  necessity  of  giving  an  adverse  answer.  The  Karen, 
therefore,  gets  a friend  to  act  as  his  intermediary.  Even  a boy  who 
wants  to  buy  a book  will  have  his  classmate  get  it  for  him. 

Amiability  is  another  marked  trait  of  the  Karen,  both  of  the 
educated  and  the  uneducated,  rendering  them  acceptable  in  many 
kinds  of  service.  Young  Karen  women  are  in  demand  as  nurse- 
maids all  over  Burma,  and  not  a few  have  gone  temporarily  to 
England  and  America  in  that  capacity.  They  are  kind,  patient,  and 
faithful  in  their  care  of  the  children  entrusted  to  their  care. 

The  remarkable  chastity  of  the  Karen  is  also  worthy  of  notice. 
It  has,  however,  been  mentioned  in  several  places  in  this  work 
and  perhaps  need  not  be  discussed  further  in  this  connection,  except 
to  say  that  the  fear  of  the  evil  consequences  of  violating  the  laws 
of  the  elders  has  kept  them  free  from  many  unhealthy  customs 
that  are  found  in  many  parts  of  the  world.* 

3 ‘‘Shiko”  is  a Burmese  word  signifying  the  act  of  worship,  or  of  showing  respect  to 
officials. 

^ See  pages  139,  142,  192,  288. 


CHAPTER  V 
LANGUAGE 


In  Chapter  I I referred  briefly  to  the  relationship  of  the  Karen 
dialects  to  the  other  languages  of  Burrna  and  noted  the  bearing  of 
that  subject  upon  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the  people.  I 
adopted  the  grouping  suggested  in  the  last  Burma  Census  (that 
of  1911),  where  those  dialects  are  described  as  forming  a Sinitic  or 
Karen  group  of  the  Siamese-Chinese  sub-family  of  the  Tibeto- 
Chinese  languages.  This  group  comprises  three  principal  branches, 
namely,  the  Sgaw,  the  Pwo  (including  the  Taungthu),  and  the 
Bwe,  which  embraces  several  minor  dialects  in  the  Toungoo  and 
Red  Karen  country.  Some  of  these  latter  forms  of  speech  have 
been  very  little  studied.  A few  books  have  been  published  in  Bwe, 
but  at  present  are  superseded  by  publications  in  the  Sgaw.  The 
Sgaw  language  was  reduced  to  writing  by  Dr.  Jonathan  Wade  in 
1832,  the  Burmese  alphabet  being  used  in  denoting  most  of  the 
sounds,  while  certain  symbols  were  employed  for  such  letters  as 
had  no  equivalent  in  Burmese.  In  this  way  a perfect  phonetic  alpha- 
bet was  created. 

It  may  not  be  out  of  place  in  this  connection  to  point  out  a 
few  of  the  marked  characteristics  of  the  Karen  language.  The 
order  of  words  in  the  sentence  is  that  of  the  English,  as  well  as  of 
the  Chinese  and  Tai,  namely,  subject,  predicate,  and  object.  The 
language  is  monosyllabic,  except  in  a few  instances,  some  of  which 
are  more  apparent  than  real.  Each  root  may  be  used  in  any  form 
of  speech,  that  is,  as  noun,  adjective,  verb,  or  adverb,  by  the  ad- 
dition of  the  proper  particle  or  in  combination  with  other  roots. 
Each  syllable  has  a signification  of  its  own  and  a grammatical  re- 
lation to  one  or  more  of  the  other  syllables  in  every  compound  part 
of  speech. 

Dr.  Wade  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Karen  often  use 
words  in  pairs,  verbs  being  paired  sometimes  merely  for  the  sake 
of  euphony,  though  generally  to  give  fullness  and  force  to  the  idea 
intended.  Such  pairing  of  words,  whether  nouns,  verbs,  or  other 
parts  of  speech,  invest  the  Karen  language.  Dr.  Wade  thinks,  with 
“a  beauty  and  force  of  expression  unsurpassed  perhaps  in  any 


31 


32 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


other  language  in  the  world.”  These  paired  words,  which  are  called 
by  the  Karen  “father  and  mother  words,”  may  be  parsed  separately 
or  together  according  to  their  position  in  the  sentence.  They  may 
consist  of  two  roots  having  similar  meanings,  or  of  a well-known 
I'oot  together  with  one  which  by  itself  has  no  meaning  now  com- 
monly understood.  Misapprehension  is  often  avoided  by  the  use  of 
paired  words.  For  example,  “ni”  (with  the  circumflex  tone)  means 
year,  and  the  same  syllable  (with  the  long  tone)  means  day.  When 
this  monosyllable  is  carelessly  pronounced,  one  does  not  always 
catch  the  difference;  but  “ni-thaw”  unmistakably  denotes  day.  be- 
cause “thaw”  is  another  designation  for  this  period  of  time;  and 
“ni-la”  clearly  signifies  year,  the  latter  syllable  meaning  literally 
month.  Such  compound  words  may  have  compound  modifiers  which, 
when  used  with  discrimination,  give  a pleasing  finish  to  the  speech. 

The  Sgaw  dialect  has  six  different  tones  and  the  Pwo  an  equal 
number.  The  other  dialects  have  various  numbers,  but  not  so  many 
and  difficult  as  the  tones  of  the  Chinese  language. 

The  Sgaw  alphabet  consists  of  twenty-five  consonants  and  ten 
vowels.  One  character  appears  both  as  a gutteral  and  a consonant. 
There  are  no  closed  syllables  in  this  dialect.  The  Pwo  dialect  has 
three  nasal  endings  which.  Dr.  Gilmore  thinks,  are  a remnant  of  the 
original  speech.  Evidence  in  support  of  this  view  is  supplied  by  a 
comparison  of  the  meanings  of  the  single  word  “hpaw”  in  Sgaw 
Karen  with  the  nasal  forms  expressing  the  same  meanings  in  Pwo. 
In  the  former  dialect  “hpaw”  means  one  of  three  things,  namely, 
cook,  flower,  or  granary,  while  in  the  latter  these  meanings  re- 
quire the  use  of  three  nasal  forms  as  follows : “hpawn,”  “hpaw,” 
and  “hpan.”  Other  roots  from  the  two  dialects  show  a difference 
of  this  sort,  indicating  that  the  Sgaw  has  dropped  its  original 
nasals.^ 

There  is  no  proper  relative  pronoun  in  Sgaw.  The  particle 
“leu”  serves  in  this  capacity,  as  well  as  doing  duty  as  quotation 
marks,  a preposition,  and  a part  of  every  compound  preposition, 
this  last  form  of  speech  being  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  lan- 
guage. The  reflexive  use  of  the  pronoun  is  a notable  idiom  in  the 
Sgaw.  The  demonstrative  supplies  the  place  of  the  definite  article. 
A numerical  affix  or  adjective  is  employed  with  every  numeral. 
Each  of  these  affixes  is  supposed  to  denote  the  leading  characteristic 


^ Journal,  Burma  Research  Society,  Vol.  VIII,  Pt.  It,  pp.  122,  ff. 


LANGUAGE 


33 


of  the  noun  to  which  it  refers.  Its  use  is  similar  to  our  saying  in 
English  “cattle,  five  head,”  or  “bread,  four  loaves.” 

The  verb  is  almost  always  considered  transitive  and,  if  there 
should  be  no  word  that  could  properly  stand  as  its  object,  the  nomi- 
nal pronoun  “ta”  is  added  to  supply  it.  The  verb  “to  be”  takes  the 
objective  case.  The  double  negative  is  used  with  the  verb  after  the 
manner  of  the  French  and  Burmese  idiom,  “V — ba”  correspond- 
ing to  the  Burmese  “m — bu.” 

The  Karen  numerals  are  based  on  the  decimal  system  not  only 
from  one  to  ten,  but  also  upwards  by  tens  and  hundreds  to  tens  of 
millions.  There  is,  however,  a marked  peculiarity  in  the  Bwe 
method  of  counting  from  six  to  nine,  six  being  three  couples ; seven, 
three  couples-one;  eight,  four  couples,  and  nine,  four  couples-one. 

The  Pwo  dialect  does  not  differ  materially  from  the  Sgaw  in 
structure,  or  greatly  in  vocabulary,  as  shown  by  a comparison  of 
the  two  by  Dr.  Wade,  which  indicates  that  thirteen-fourteenths  of 
the  words  of  the  Sgaw  and  Pwo  are  from  the  same  roots.  For  one 
familiar  only  with  the  Sgaw  dialect  there  is  difficulty  in  immedi- 
ately understanding  the  Pwo,  because  the  nasals  affect  the  pro- 
nunciation of  the  latter.  The  Bwe  and  other  Toungoo  dialects  seem 
to  have  nasals  and  wide  variations  in  tones.  They  also  possess  let- 
ters that  are  lacking  in  the  Sgaw,  such  as  g,  j,  z,  and  a peculiar  dj 
that  is  impossible  to  represent  in  English  letters.  The  Mopgha 
have  the  letter  f,  which  they  pronounce  highly  aspirated.^  The 
Sgaw  have  no  g,  j,  v,  or  z.  They  have  both  the  aspirated  and  un- 
aspirated k,  t,  and  p.  Besides  these  consonants,  they  have  gutterals 
and  combined  consonants  to  which  there  are  no  parallels  in  West- 
ern speech.^ 

Although  in  the  early  days  the  Karen  had  no  written  language, 
it  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  they  were  without  a literature.  On  the 
contrary,  a large  quantity  of  bard  literature  was  handed  down 
orally  from  generation  to  generation,  being  taught  by  certain 
elders  to  the  youths  who  were  arriving  at  maturity,  in  order  that 
they  might  transmit  it  in  turn  without  change  to  those  coming 
after  them.  This  literature  comprises  probably  more  than  two  hun- 

- Dr.  Mason  in  the  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1858,  Vol.  I,  Ft.  II,  pp.  129,  ff. 

^ The  Grammar  of  the  Karen  language  by  Dr.  Wade,  now  reprinted  at  the  American 
Baptist  Missionary  Press,  Rangoon,  Burma,  and  that  by  Dr.  Gilmore,  from  which  the  \yriter  has 
largely  derived  his  materials  for  this  chapter,  are  available  for  those  who  wish  to  make  a study 
of  the  language.  The  Karen  Thesaurus,  an  encyclopedic  dictionary  of  the  Karen  language, 
people,  and  customs,  is  a valuable  work.  Volume  I of  the  new  edition,  which  appeared  in  1915, 
is  especially  useful,  as  it  contains  definitions  in  English  such  as  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  later 
volumes. 


34 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


dred  tales,  legends,  and  mythical  stories.  A large  proportion  of 
these  are  in  the  nature  of  beast  tales  or  fables,  such  as  are  found 
in  India,  Europe,  and  Africa.  Some  of  the  myths  and  legends  are 
in  the  form  of  verse  and  were  formerly  recited  at  length  at  fu- 
nerals and  on  other  festal  occasions,  or  were  sung  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  the  harp.  There  are  also  the  epics  containing  the 
“Y’wa”  legends.  Finally,  a considerable  amount  of  wise  instruc- 
tion is  contained  in  the  numerous  short  sayings,  proverbs,  and 
riddles  that  have  survived.  Fragments  of  the  shorter  and  longer 
poems,  chanted  at  funerals,  have  been  quoted  in  the  chapter  on  Fu- 
neral Customs,  and  some  of  the  tales  and  myths  have  been  referred 
to  or  paraphrased  in  other  portions  of  this  work.  Further  presenta- 
tion and  discussion  of  the  Karen  literature  is  reserved  for  a future 
study. 


A Karen  Belle 

Though  not  particularly  handsome,  many  of  the  Karen  maidens 
are  very  attractive. 


CHAPTER  VI 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 

To  describe  in  detail  the  costume  of  every  tribe  of  the  Karen 
would  be  like  going  into  all  the  minutiae  of  the  tartans  of  the 
Scotch  and  would  of  itself  fill  a volume.  There  are,  however, 
certain  characteristics  of  dress  that  prevail  more  or  less  widely 
among  the  whole  people,  and  I shall  endeavor  to  point  these 
out.  The  “hse”  is  found  in  various  forms  among  almost  all  the 
tribes.  This  resembles  a smock  in  that  it  is  a loose,  unfitted  gar- 
ment, falling  from  the  shoulders  over  the  body.  This  “hse”  is  made 
by  sewing  together  two  narrow  strips  of  cloth  to  form  an  oblong, 
inverted  “meal-bag.”  Holes  are  left  in  the  seams  at  the  upper  coi’- 
ners  through  which  the  arms  are  thrust,  and  another  opening  is 
left  in  the  middle  seam  at  the  top,  which  serves  as  the  neck  of  the 
garment. 

For  the  men  in  the  Sgaw  and  Pwo  tribes  living  back  in  the 
hills  this  garment  still  serves  as  their  entire  costume.  It  reaches 
from  the  shoulders  to  the  calves.  In  the  Pegu  Hills  the  Sgaw 
wear  a garment  that  is  white  above,  except  for  red  selvedge  lines 
along  the  seams,  and  has  the  lower  third  woven  with  red.  The  bor- 
der between  the  two  colors  may  be  more  or  less  variegated  and  em- 
broidered. In  the  Moulmein  and  Papon  districts  and  to  the  east- 
ward the  garment  is  made  of  alternating  wide  strips  of  white  and 
red  running  its  whole  length. 

Among  the  Bwe  tribes  the  custom  is  to  wear  a shorter  smock, 
which  fits  a little  more  closely  than  the  one  just  described. 
It  might  be  called  a tunic.  The  loin-cloth  (sometimes  replaced  by 
short  trousers)  is  worn  with  the  tunic.  Various  branches  of  the 
Bwe  wear  different  arrangements  of  colors.  The  Baku  wear  a 
white  tunic  with  a narrow  red  border  around  the  bottom.  In  each 
village  this  border  has  a distinctive  form.  Among  the  other  eastern 
hill  tribes  we  find  the  Kerhker,  sometimes  called  the  Gai-hko,  wear- 
ing a tunic  embroidered  with  vertical  figures  like  towers,  from  the 
top  of  which  lines  radiate  like  the  rays  of  the  rising  sun.  The  Bwe 
tribes  usually  wear  tunics  of  vertically  striped  weaves,  some  of 


35 


36 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


them,  e.g.,  the  Mopgha,  with  narrow  red  lines.  In  the  early  days 
they  wore  scant  loin-cloths,  but  nowadays  they  wear  longer  cloths 
or  Shan  trousers,  like  many  of  the  other  hill  tribes.  The  Brecs  wear 


A Bwe  Karen  Man’s  Suit 
Bwe  Karen  Hills,  Toungoo  District. 

The  smock  is  of  white  silk  with  red  stripes  and  embroidery  woven 
in.  The  loin  cloth  (“teh  ku”)  is  magenta  and  black.  Both  are  of 
silk,  for  every  man  of  any  account  feels  he  must  have  one  silk  suit. 


short  breeches  belted  in  at  the  waist  with  a string.  These  trousers 
are  at  first  white  with  narrow  red  stripes,  but  soon  become  a dirty 
yellow,  growing  constantly  darker  with  wear  and  age.  The  so- 
called  “Pant  Bwes”  ornament  their  breeches  with  radiating  lines 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 


37 


at  the  bottom.  The  Red  Karen,  who  take  their  name  from  their 
red  garments,  wear  short  breeches  of  red  cotton  and  a short  close- 
fitting  tunic  of  the  same  color.  These  soon  become  the  color  of  dirt 
from  the  generous  accretions  of  that  substance  which  adhere  to 
them.  These  people  use  a blanket,  which  is  red  and  white  striped 
when  new.  They  discard  both  the  tunic  and  blanket  in  warm 
weather.  Cotton  is  the  most  common  material  used,  but  in  Toungoo 
silk  is  often  used,  either  alone  or  with  the  cotton. 

In  Lower  Burma,  on  the  plains,  it  has  become  customary  for 
the  men  to  wear  Burmese  garments.  The  only  time  they  put  on 
their  Karen  garments,  if  they  have  them,  is  when  they  hold  their 
“Bgha”  feast.  The  different  tribes  to  the  east  wear  the  Shan  cos- 
tume, with  more  or  less  variation,  all  the  way  to  the  Chinese 
Border. 

The  Karen  men  knot  up  their  long  hair  on  the  top  of  the  head 
or  over  the  right  or  left  ear,  according  to  the  custom  of  their  par- 


A Karen  Bamboo  Comb 


ticular  locality,  fastening  it  with  a small  triangular  bamboo  comb. 
No  other  head-dress  is  worn,  except  a piece  of  white  muslin  or  other 
light-weight  cloth,  which  may  be  put  over  the  head  as  a turban  or 
around  it  like  a fillet,  unless  one  should  include  the  ornamental 
head-bands  of  the  Karenni  youth  who,  before  marriage,  wear  neck- 
laces of  stones  that  have  been  handed  down  from  father  to  son  for 
generations,  and  ornaments  for  the  head,  neck,  and  ears,  consisting 
of  mother-of-pearl  buttons  interspersed  with  the  shining  wings  of 
beautiful  green  beetles.  All  these  are,  however,  given  up  at 
marriage  and  become  the  property  of  the  bride. 


38 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


In  the  matter  of  adopting  foreign  dress  the  women  are  more 
conservative  than  the  men.  Long  after  every  man  in  a village  has 
taken  on  the  Burmese  costume,  the  women  continue  to  wear  their 
characteristic  black  smock  over  their  Burmese  jacket  and  “longyi” 
(skirt) . 

The  Sgaw  and  Pwo  women,  after  arriving  at  the  age  of  puberty, 
wear  a smock  (“hse”)  and  a shirt  (“ni”) . Little  girls  wear  a single 
“hse,”  falling  from  their  neck  to  their  ankles,  at  least  when  it  is 
new.  In  some  villages  they  wear  a white  “hse,”  without  any  orna- 
ment or  color,  but  in  other  places  they  wear  a black  garment  orna- 
mented with  colored  yarns  at  the  neck  and  around  the  armholes. 
In  some  localities  the  maidens  wear  the  long  white  “hse,”  reaching 
to  the  ankles,  until  they  are  married ; but  it  is  more  common  for 
them  to  put  on  the  skirt  and  wear  a shorter  “hse”  at  about  the 
time  they  arrive  at  maturity. 

The  women’s  dress  varies  from  one  tribe  to  another,  and  in 
some  instances  each  village  has  its  particular  weave.  There  is  con- 
siderable general  similarity  of  the  Karen  designs  to  those  in 
the  Malay  countries,  in  Borneo,  and  in  the  Philippines ; but  the 
particular  Karen  design,  among  the  Sgaw  women  at  least,  is  that 
supposed  to  be  derived  from  the  python.  The  story  is  that  “Naw 
Mu  E,”  one  of  the  mythical  characters  of  ancient  times,  was  kid- 
napped by  a fabulous  White  Python  and  carried  off  to  his  den. 
Later,  her  husband,  hearing  of  her  plight,  came  and  rescued  her  by 
sacrificing  himself  at  the  mouth  of  the  den,  whereupon  the  woman 
was  released  and  enabled  to  return  to  the  upper  earth  again.  Vari- 
ous versions  of  the  story  exist,  one  of  which  is  that  she  was  com- 
pelled by  the  python  to  weave  patterns  on  its  skin  that  still  remain, 
but  on  being  I’eleased  showed  her  contempt  for  it  by  weaving  skirts 
for  herself  of  the  same  pattern,  thus  giving  it  the  gravest  insult 
she  could  inflict.  This  pattern  soon  became  general  among  Karen 
women. 

Other  patterns,  of  which  there  are  many,  are  called  by  various 
names,  as  seeds,  little  pagodas,  cowries,  etc.  Especially  beautiful  is 
the  pattern  or  weave  worn  by  the  Mopgha  women,  which  consists 
.of  a variety  of  figures  in  magenta,  yellow,  and  green  on  a black 
ground.  I have  been  told  that  the  weaving  of  the  designs  for  these 
skirts  has  become  a lost  art,  none  of  the  young  women  of  the  few 
villages  of  the  Mopgha  tribe  having  learned  to  weave  these  gar- 
ments. The  Bwe  women  usually  wear  a black  “ni”  or  skirt  with 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 


39 


a few  horizontal  stripes  of  white  and  red  running  through  the 
middle. 


Women’s  Garments 

(1)  A “hko  peu”  or  head-dress  of  a Sgaw  Karen.  (2)  A smock 
(“hsd”)  and  a skirt  (“ni”),  Sgaw  Karen,  from  the  Pegu  Hills, 
Toungoo  District.  The  smock  is  embroidered  with  colored  yarns 
and  “Job’s  Tears.’’  The  middle  of  the  skirt  shows  the  python 
pattern.  (3)  A Sgaw  Karen  smock  and  skirt  from  Shwegyin 
District.  This  smock  is  trimmed  with  red  braid,  except  the 
lower  part  which  is  fancily  woven  (“u”). 


The  women  of  all  these  tribes  wear  the  simplest  kind  of  a 
skirt;  it  is  a straight  slip  which,  instead  of  being  gathered  about 
the  waist,  is  drawn  tight  across  the  back,  folded  across  the  front, 


40 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


and  the  fulness  tucked  in  at  the  waist  line,  thus  allowing  the 
action  of  the  knees.  The  garment  remains  in  place  remarkably 
well,  although  no  belt  is  used.  When  the  women  bathe — those  on 
the  plains  doing  so  with  much  more  regularity  than  their  sisters 
in  the  hills — they  bring  the  top  of  the  skirt  up  under  the  armpits 
and  fasten  it  over  the  breasts  in  the  same  manner  as  about  the 
waist. 

The  jackets  or  smocks  of  the  women  present  a variety  of  de- 
signs. The  most  common  is  the  plain  black  or  dark  blue  “hse”  with 
little  or  no  ornament  on  it.  Sometimes  it  is  decorated  with  small 
rosettes  or  stars  of  colored  yarns  or,  among  the  Pwo,  with  fern-like 
figures.  The  prettiest  decorations  are  made  with  the  hard  white 
seeds  of  various  shapes  of  the  plant  called  Job’s  Tears  (Coix).  The 
variety  mostly  used  are  those  resembling  barberries,  called  “bwe” 
in  Sgaw  Karen  and  found  all  over  the  hills.  These  are  sewed  on 
the  finished  garment  in  parallel  rows,  in  rows  forming  V-shaped 
figures,  or  in  the  forms  of  stars  or  rosettes  and  edging  the  arm 
and  neck  holes.  Red  yarns  or  pieces  of  red  cloth  are  also  sewed  on 
to  add  to  the  ornamentation.  In  Shwegyin  we  often  see  a “hse” 
that  is  woven  with  elaborate  designs  of  red  and  green  on  a black 
ground,  red  tape  being  sewed  in  vertical  lines  on  the  body  of  the 
gaimient  and  in  horizontal  lines  over  the  shoulders.  The  head-dress 
of  the  women  is  called  “hko  peu  ki”  and  among  the  Sgaw  women 
consists  of  a piece  of  cloth  about  two  yards  long  and  a foot 
wide.  The  middle  part  is  plain  white.  At  either  end  there  is  a 
fancy  woven  (“u”)  portion  about  twenty  inches  long,  red  in  color 
and  crossed  at  intervals  of  two  inches  by  transverse  lines.  In  the 
middle  of  these  colored  ends  is  a white  zigzag  line  representing  a 
serpent.  The  other  lines  are  in  pairs,  those  equidistant  from  the 
zigzag  above  and  below  being  alike  and  having  their  special  desig- 
nations. These  names  are,  however,  in  archaic  form,  and  their 
meaning  is  not  well  known.  There  are  long  white  fringes  on  the 
ends  of  the  head-dress  and  shorter  colored  ones  at  the  ends  of  the 
cross  lines.  When  worn,  it  is  twisted  about  the  head  in  such  a way 
as  to  form  a peak  over  the  forehead  with  the  colored  fringes  hang- 
ing down  about  the  eyes  and  the  long  white  fringes  down  the  back. 
In  a few  villages  in  the  Pegu  Hills  the  women  wear  circlets  (“hko 
hhlaw”)  of  bamboo  or  silver,  around  which  they  coil  their  hair.  The 
metal  circlets  are  made  of  beaten  silver  a scant  inch  in  wddth  and 
long  enough  to  go  once  and  a half  around  the  head,  being  held 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 


41 


by  a fancy  clasp  at  the  back,  which  keeps  the  band  in  place.  Such 
silver  circlets  are  valued  at  about  ten  rupees  or  more,  according  to 
the  work  on  them. 

The  Karen  make  blankets  of  the  same  cloth  that  they  use  for 
their  garments.  They  use  two  strips  of  white  edged  with  red  sel- 


• Womens’- Head -Dress  - 

HaLF  Size 

vedges,  each  piece  being  four  yards  long.  These  are  sewed  together 
lengthwise,  and  then  one  outer  edge  is  sewed  up  to  provide  a half- 
open sleeping-bag.  The  fringes  of  the  open  end  are  drawn  up  over 
the  head. 

On  the  whole,  the  Karen  are  very  careful  about  exposing  their 
persons.  The  women  have  always  worn  the  closed  skirts  and  not  the 
open  “tamein,”  which  was  formerly  in  vogue  among  the  Burmese. 
They  seldom  go  without  their  jackets,  though  in  the  hills  older 
women  now  and  then  leave  them  olf.  Little  children  run  about 
more  or  less  naked.  Boys  often  find  their  garments  a bother  and 


42 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


thrust  them  aside,  but  men  usually  are  very  careful  about  keeping 
their  loins  covered.  When  working,  the  men,  who  wear  the  “hse” 
or  smock,  pull  the  right  arm  inside  the  armhole  and  extend  it  again 
through  the  wide  neckhole,  so  that  the  right  arm  and  shoulder  are 
entirely  free  for  chopping  or  doing  any  other  work  at  hand. 
They  sometimes  lower  the  whole  garment  to  the  waistline. 


Karen  Skirts  and  Bags 

No.  1 is  a Mopgha  Karen  skirt,  a black  ground  with  silk  embroidery  in  magenta, 
yellow,  green,  and  red.  The  younger  women  have  lost  the  art  of  weaving  these 
garments.  No.  2 is  a Tavoy  Sgaw  Karen  skirt  woven  in  imitation  of  a popular 
Burmese  pattern.  The  bags.  Nos.  3 and  4,  are  Sgaw  Karen,  and  No.  5.  is  Bwe. 


where  they  knot  it  up  in  Burman  fashion  and  thus  leave  the  upper 
part  of  the  body  free.  The  Brecs  are  the  poorest  tribe  of  Karen 
and  wear  the  scantiest  clothing,  consisting  of  short  trousers.  Often 
these  are  much  the  worse  for  wear.  These  people  have  rough  small 
blankets,  which  they  throw  around  themselves  in  cold  weather.  But 
more  often  they  appear  without  them.  The  Karen  on  the  plains 
bathe  daily,  doing  so  in  their  skirts  (“longyi”),  as  do  the  Bui’mese. 
After  the  bath  they  slip  the  fresh  garment  over  the  wet  one,  which 
they  allow  to  fall  off  as  they  fasten  the  other  in  place. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 


43 


The  wet  garment  is  then  pounded  on  a stone  or  soused  up  and 
down  in  the  water  a few  times,  and  that  is  about  all  the  laundering 
it  gets.  White  jackets  are  washed  out  with  soap  and,  in  the  towns, 
are  given  to  the  Indian  washermen  (“dhobies”)  for  proper  “doing 
up.” 

For  protection  from  the  rain  the  Karen  use  the  wide-spreading 
fronds  of  the  palm,  which  are  nature’s  models  for  the  paper  um- 
brellas of  the  Chinese  and  Burmese.  Workers  in  the  paddy-fields 
make  raincoats  out  of  thatch  woven  on  flexible  bark  fibre  stays, 
which  they  tie  across  their  shoulders.  Three  or  four  layers  of  the 
thatch  make  a protection  that  reaches  to  the  knees.  For  a hat  they 
tie  a bit  of  palm  leaf  over  the  head,  or  wear  a round  umbrella- 
shaped hat  like  those  made  by  the  Shan  and  Burmese  out  of  the 
sheathes  of  the  cocoanut-palm  or  of  bamboo.  While  transplanting 
rice  on  the  plains  a rain  cover  is  made  of  these  same  sheathes  or  of 
tough  large  leaves  covered  with  a network  of  thin  bamboo  splints 
bound  with  rattan.  These  covers  are  scoop-shaped  and  hang  from 
the  head  down  the  back,  causing  a company  of  cultivators,  bent 
over  their  work  while  wearing  them,  to  look  like  long-legged  tor- 
toises wading  in  the  mud. 

Every  Karen  carries  a bag  (“hteu”)  slung  over  his  shoulder 
as  a part  of  his  outfit.  It  is  his  pocket,  in  which  he  carries  everything 
from  money  to  the  small  game  he  has  shot.  The  bag  is  woven  in  two 
parts.  One,  which  forms  the  straps,  consists  of  a strip  from  four 
to  six  inches  wide  and  five  or  six  feet  long.  Both  ends  are  fringed. 
The  other  piece  is  from  six  to  eight  inches  wide  and  from  two  to 
three  feet  in  length.  Each  end  of  the  long  piece  is  folded  length- 
wise in  the  middle  and  sewed  together,  thus  forming  the  corners  of 
the  bag.  The  short  piece  is  folded  crosswise  in  the  middle  and 
sewed  to  these  corners  or  ends,  thus  forming  the  sides  of  the  bag. 
The  hemmed  ends  of  the  short  piece  form  the  edges  of  the  mouth  of 
the  bag.  The  cloth  woven  for  these  bags  is  usually  red  with  length- 
wise stripes  of  white,  yellow,  or  black.  Different  tribes  have  their 
different  patterns  and  shades  of  color.  The  Karen  do  not  ornament 
their  bags  so  highly  as  do  the  Kachin  tribes  in  Upper  Burma. 
Every  Karen  woman  and  girl  has  some  sort  of  a necklace.  It  may 
be  a few  seeds  of  the  Job’s  Tears  strung  together,  or  some  glass 
beads  purchased  from  wandering  peddlers,  or  silver  beads  made 
by  Burmese  silversmiths  who  visit  the  Karen  villages  during  the 
dry  season  to  pick  up  odd  jobs.  A common  variety  of  beads  is 


44 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


made  by  pounding  out  little  disks  of  silver  and  rounding  them  into 
beads,  according  to  the  shape  of  the  disk.  Some  of  these  finished 
beads  are  an  inch  in  length  and  half  an  inch  in  diameter  at  the 
middle,  tapering  off  to  almost  a point  at  the  ends.  When  strung, 
they  sometimes  form  chains  so  long  that  they  encircle  the  neck 
several  times  and  hang  down  over  the  bosom. 

Bracelets  of  silver  are,  like  the  beads  mentioned  above,  pounded 
out  of  coins  (rupees)  for  the  girls  and  young  women,  who  not  in- 
frequently wear  anklets  of  the  same  material.  Even  little  boys 
sometimes  wear  silver  bracelets  and  anklets. 

Disks  of  silver,  with  rude  figures  of  peacocks,  elephants,  and 
other  Burmese  figures,  are  often  seen  hanging  from  strings  around 
the  necks  of  children.  Coins  are  also  used  in  the  same  way.  These 
are  usually  said  to  be  simply  for  ornament,  but  I have  occasionally 
wondered  whether  they  might  not  have  some  magical  purpose  as 
well. 

Among  all  the  Karen  tribes  the  most  peculiar  adornments  are 
those  of  the  Padaung  women.  These  are  rings  of  brass  wire  about 
a third  of  an  inch  in  diameter,  worn  around  the  neck  for  the  pur- 
pose of  forcing  up  the  chin  and  lengthening  that  member.  As  the 
process  of  elongation  is  slow,  only  a few  rings  are  used  at  first ; but 
as  time  goes  on  others  are  added,  until  the  high  metal  collar  thus 
formed  consists  of  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  rings.  The  greater 
the  length  of  the  neck,  the  greater  the  beauty,  they  think.  The 
appearance  of  these  women  is  grotesque,  for  their  heads  appear 
abnormally  small  above  their  long  necks ; and  their  bodies,  around 
which  flap  their  loose  garments,  also  seem  disproportionate. ^ They 
can  sleep  only  with  their  heads  hanging  over  a high  bamboo  pillow, 
on  which  they  rest  their  brass-armored  necks.  These  rings  are  like 
those  foiTning  the  brass  corsets  worn  by  the  Iban  women  of  Borneo, 
only  the  latter  wear  them  lower  down. 

The  Red  Karen  women  wear,  besides  a profusion  of  beads 
around  the  neck,  a girdle  or  many  girdles  of  seeds  and  beads  of 
various  kinds  and  coils  of  lacquered  rattans.  These  rattans  are 
also  worn  as  rings  around  the  legs  just  above  the  calves.  They 
often  bulge  out  an  inch  or  two  from  the  leg  and  cause  the  women 
to  walk  with  a stride  “like  a pair  of  compasses”  and  to  experience 
some  difficulty  in  sitting  down.  Indeed,  it  is  necessary  for  them 
in  sitting  to  stretch  out  the  legs  straight  in  front  of  them.^  It 


“ Gazetteer  of  Upper  Burma,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  p.  537. 
^ J.  G.  Scott,  Burma,  A Handbook,  pp.  212,  ff. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 


45 


is  not  uncommon  to  see  similar  garters,  if  one  may  call  them  so, 
worn  by  many  of  the  Karen,  but  usually  they  are  made  of  a few 
strands  of  rattan  interwoven  in  a neat  band  of  about  half  an  inch 


A Padaung  Couple — the  Wife  With  Neck  and  Leg-rings 

A large  share  of  Padaung  wealth  is  lavished  on  feminine  attire.  The  brass 
rings  around  their  legs  and  necks  often  weigh  twenty  pounds.  This  lady  is 
not  very  stylish,  for  her  neck  has  not  been  stretched  enough.  The  longer 
the  neck,  the  more  attractive  the  lady. 

in  width.  Some  say  that  they  wear  these  simply  for  ornament,  and 
others  think  that  they  find  them  useful  in  walking  long  distances. 
In  fact  these  leg-bands  perform  somewhat  the  function  of  the  rub- 
ber stocking  of  the  West. 


46 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Among  some  of  the  Karen  tribes  to  the  east  brass  or  other 
wire  rings  are  worn  on  the  legs,  either  from  the  ankles  up  over  the 
calves,  or  from  the  knees  up  the  thighs,  or  with  only  one  or  two 
rings  at  intervals  on  the  legs.  The  arms  are  also  more  or  less  laden 
witli  brass  circlets,  as  may  be  seen  from  Scott’s  description.^ 

Earrings  are  worn  by  both  Karen  men  and  women,  but 
are  usually  in  the  form  of  plugs  instead  of  rings.  The  silver  ear 
plug  of  the  Sgaw  resembles  a spool  with  one  end  flaring  out  more 
widely  than  the  other.  The  larger  end  may  be  nearly  two  inches 
in  diameter  at  the  rim,  tapering  down  to  a little  less  than  an  inch 


Women’s  Earrings,  Half  Size 

in  diameter  where  it  joins  the  cylindrical  part  which  fits  the  hole 
in  the  ear-lobe.  The  men  wear  plugs  that  have  the  ends  covered 
over  with  a plate  of  silver,  while  the  plugs  worn  by  the  women 
are  left  open.  Through  these  openings  leaves  or  flowers  are  often 
inserted.  Sometimes  plugs  made  of  a rolled  strip  of  palm  leaf  fill 
the  holes  in  the  ear-lobes,  these  holes  being  rarely  more  than  an 
inch  in  diameter.  When  the  holes  for  the  ear  plugs  are  in  process 
of  being  enlarged,  the  little  rolls  of  palm  leaf  are  as  tightly  wrapped 
and  as  large  as  possible  when  inserted.  They  then  tend  to  loosen, 
and  in  so  doing  stretch  the  lobe.  Sections  of  a stem  of  bamboo 
are  sometimes  worn  by  hill  people  in  the  lobes  of  their  ears  or, 
in  the  absence  of  anything  else,  a buttonaire  of  orchids  or  other 
flowers  found  in  the  jungle.  More  than  once  have  I seen  orchids 
that  would  bring  fancy  prices  in  a Western  city  fringing  the  dirty 
face  of  some  half-naked  urchin. 

Karen  men  not  uncommonly  wear  beads  or  strings  about  their 
necks,  besides  other  ornaments  on  their  arms  and  legs.  But  per- 
haps the  ornament  peculiar  to  them  consists  of  the  boar’s  tusk 
comb,  such  as  their  ancestor,  “Htaw  Meh  Pa,”  made  after  he  had 
killed  the  mythical  boar.  This  is  worn  behind  the  ear,  hanging 
down  as  a sort  of  earring.  The  comb,  which  is  not  unlike  the 


* J.  G.  Scott,  Burma,  A Handbook,  pp.  121,  ff. 


DRESS  AND  ORNAMENTS 


47 


ordinary  Karen  comb,  is  made  of  strips  of  the  outer  shell  of  the 
bamboo,  each  about  two  inches  long,  and  held  together  by  a sealing- 
wax  produced  from  the  gum  of  a tree.  The  upper  or  pointed  end  of 


the  comb  is  made  small  enough  to  be  inserted  into  the  open  end  of 
the  tusk,  where  it  is  fixed  in  place  with  wax.  (See  Frontispiece, 
which  shows  how  a comb  is  wmrn.) 


Karen  Girls  in  Burmese  Costume 

This  illustrates  the  way  in  which  the  women  secure  their  skirts  by  drawing  them  tightly 
to  one  side  and  then  folding  back  the  slack  and  tucking  it  in  on  the  opposite  side. 


CHAPTER  VII 


MEASURES  OF  TIME  AND  SPACE.  KAREN  ASTRONOMY 
The  Seasons  and  the  Months 

The  seasons  in  Burma  are  clearly  distinguished,  the  year  be- 
ing divided  into  two  parts  by  the  monsoon,  which  is  the  periodic 
wind  of  the  Southern  Asiatic  tropics  that  for  six  months,  between 
April  and  November,  blows  from  the  southwest  olf  the  Indian 
Ocean,  bringing  clouds  and  moisture  which  produce  the  never-fail- 
ing rainy  season,  as  the  Karen  name  for  it,  “ta  su  hka,”  signifies. 
In  November  the  monsoon  shifts  to  the  opposite  quarter  and  the 
dry  season  or  “ta  yaw  hka”  follows,  being  again  six  months  in 
duration.  This  latter  period  is  subdivided  into  the  cool  season  or 
“ta  hkii  hka,”  from  the  middle  of  November  to  the  first  of  Febru- 
ary, and  the  hot  season  or  “ta  ko  hka,”  during  which  the  sun  is 
waxing  hotter  and  hotter  until  the  beginning  of  the  rains  in  May. 
The  rainy  season  has  a fairly  even  temperature  with  a mean  of 
about  eighty  degrees,  Fahrenheit,  while  the  dry  season  is  marked 
by  variations  ranging  from  about  fifty  to  over  one  hundred  degrees. 

The  Karen  term  for  year  is  “ni”  and  for  a generation,  their 
longest  unit  of  time,  it  is  “so.”  Eternity  is  designated  by  redupli- 
cating the  root  “so,”  for  example,  “so  so,”  or,  with  its  couplet, 
“so  so  xa  xa.” 

According  to  Karen  reckoning,  the  year  is  divided  into  twelve 
lunar  months,  a month  of  twenty-nine  days  alternating  with  one 
of  thirty.  Thus,  they  have  six  months  of  twenty-nine  days  each, 
which  total  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  days,  while  the  six  inter- 
vening months  of  thirty  days  each  total  one  hundred  and  eighty 
days.  These  two  totals  added  together  give  but  three  hundred  and 
fifty-four  days.  This  arrangement  of  the  calendar  necessitated  the 
addition  every  three  years  of  an  extra  or  intercalary  month  to 
make  the  reckoning  of  time  correct.  But  the  calendar  was  so  poorly 
kept  that  confusion  arose,  and  the  people  do  not  agree  among  them- 
selves as  to  the  proper  order  of  the  months,  or  the  beginning  of  the 
year,  or  even  as  to  the  correct  interpretation  of  the  names  of  the 


48 


MEASURES  OF  TIME  AND  SPACE 


49 


months  in  all  casesP  However,  the  names  in  the  commonly  ac- 
cepted order  are  as  follows : 

1.  Th’  le,  the  searching  month,  when  the  villagers  hunt  for 
a new  village  site.  It  corresponds  to  the  Burmese  month, 
PyatJio,  and  to  the  moon  of  January. 

2.  Hte  kii,  the  cutting  month,  when  the  Karen  cut  the  jungle 
preparatory  to  cultivation.  It  is  equivalent  to  the  Bur- 
mese Tabochve  and  to  the  moon  of  February. 

3.  Thwe  kaw,  the  brewing  month,  when  the  women  prepare 
the  mash  for  brewing  liquor.  By  some  it  is  said  to  signify 
the  month  of  burnings,  for  at  this  time  they  burn  over 
the  ground  that  was  cut  in  the  previous  month.  It  is 
equivalent  to  the  Burmese  Tahaung  and  to  the  moon  of 
March. 

4.  La  hkli,  the  month  of  yams,  because  at  this  season  the 
people  were  often  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  eating  the 
tubers  of  the  wild  yam.  It  is  equivalent  to  the  Burmese 
Tagu  and  to  the  moon  of  April. 

5.  De  nya,  the  lily  month,  when  the  wild  lilies  bloom.  Equiva- 
lent to  Kasone  of  the  Burmese  and  to  the  moon  of  May. 

6.  La  mvi,  the  seventh  month,  corresponds  to  the  Burmese 
Nay  one  and  to  the  moon  of  June.^ 

7.  La  xo,  the  eighth  month,  is  equivalent  to  the  Burmese  IFaso 
and  to  the  moon  of  July. 

8.  La  hkii,  the  shut-in  month,  when  it  is  difficult  to  go  about 
on  account  of  the  heavy  rains.  It  corresponds  to  the  Bur- 
mese Wagaung  and  to  the  moon  of  August. 

9.  Hsi  mii,  the  month  of  a little  sunshine,  when  after  the 
heaviest  rain  there  is  a little  fair  weather.  It  corresponds 
to  the  Burmese  Taivthelin  and  the  moon  of  September. 

1 The  Karen  Recorder,  a vernacular  paper  published  by  the  Sgaw  Karen  Mission  at  Ran- 
goon, printed  a long  discussion  on  the  order  of  the  months  and  the  significance  of  their  names, 
which  appeared  in  various  numbers  from  1915  to  1917.  The  outcome  of  the  discussion  was  not 
at  all  convincing. 

“ A writer  in  the  Karen  Morning  Star  in  January,  1918,  suggested  another  meaning  for 
the  name  of  this  month,  which  comes  at  the  opening  of  the  rainy  season  when,  as  often  hap- 
pens, there  are  alternate  weeks  of  sunshine  and  rain.  Karens  generally,  probably  almost  with- 
out exception,  understand  the  name  of  this  month  to  refer  only  to  its  numerical  position  in  the 
calendar. 


50 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


10.  Hsi  hsa,  the  month  of  a little  starlight,  when  the  stars 
begin  to  show  themselves  occasionally.  It  corresponds 
to  the  Burmese  Thadingyut  and  to  the  moon  of  October. 

11.  La  natv,  the  month  of  the  “naw,”  when  from  the  seeds  of 
this  small  plant  is  extracted  an  oil  much  like  sessimum 
oil.  It  is  equivalent  to  the  Burmese  Tezaunymon  and  to 
the  moon  of  November. 

12.  La  pin,  the  month  of  eclipses,  when  the  moon  dies  and 
hence  the  month  for  funeral  ceremonies.  It  corresponds 
to  the  Burmese  Nadaiv  and  to  the  moon  of  December. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  in  the  list  as  given  above  the  seventh 
and  eighth  months  are  numbered  6 and  7,  respectively.  Two  sug- 
gestions have  been  made  to  explain  this  incongruity.  One  of  these 
is  Dr.  Mason’s  suggestion  to  the  effect  that  originally  the  first 
month  was  La  plii  (December),  which  would  not  only  correct  the 
incongruity,  but  also  make  the  Karen  calendar  correspond  to  that 
of  Tibet,  which  begins  with  December.*  The  other  explanation  was 
given  to  me  by  a Karen  teacher,  who  says  that  the  month  of  La 
hkli  (April)  is  the  one  that  is  repeated  every  three  years  in  order 
to  correct  the  calendar,  and  that  the  periodic  interposition  of  this 
extra  month  is  responsible  for  the  names  of  the  seventh  and  eighth 
months  and  the  disagreement  of  those  names  with  their  serial  num- 
bers in  the  list.  To  me  this  explanation  seems  very  dubious.  One 
Karen  writer  attempts  to  correct  the  incongruity  between  the 
seventh  and  eighth  months  and  their  serial  numbers  by  proposing 
to  transfer  La  hkii  (August)  from  its  generally  accepted  position 
in  the  list  to  a place  before  the  seventh  month,  but,  of  course,  this 
is  not  a feasible  change.  As  many  Karens  associate  the  month  for 
funeral  ceremonies  (La  plii)  with  the  end  of  the  year,  they  do  not 
think  it  should  be  shifted  into  first  place  in  the  calendar. 

The  Days  of  the  Week 

Few  of  the  Karen  people  can  tell  the  days  of  the  week,  except 
according  to  Burmese  or  Christian  nomenclature.  Several  old 
men  have  given  me  names  for  the  days,  which,  they  say,  were 
in  use  a long  time  ago.  There  are  seven  of  these,  as  may  be  seen 
in  the  following  tabulation : 


® Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XXXVII,  43. 


MEASURES  OF  TIME  AND  SPACE 


51 


ENGLISH 


KAREN 


TRANSLATION 


W ednesday 


Thursday 

Friday 

Saturday 


Sunday 

Monday 

Tuesday 


Li  naiv 
Htaiv  meh 
To  mii 
To  kijaiv 
Thi  thiva 
Mii  daiv  hpa 
Mii  htaw  k’  hpu 


The  eagle’s  beak 
The  long  tooth 
The  slanting  sun 
The  leaning  oil  tree 
The  big  comb 
The  divided  sun  day 
The  pig’s  stomach  day 


I have  found  no  traditions  or  other  information  relating  to  these 
names. 

The  Karen  divide  the  day  into  the  following  seven  parts  or  sub- 
divisions: (1)  mii  hse  icah  taw,  dawn;  (2)  mii  heh  htaic, 

sunrise;  (3)  mii  heh  htaiv  hpa  htaiv,  the  sun  is  high;  (4)  mii  htu, 
noon;  (5)  mii  xe  laiv,  the  sun  declines;  (6)  mii  haw  law,  evening, 
and  (7)  mii  law  nii,  sunset.  The  night  also  has  its  divisions,  such 
as  mii  yaiv  ma,  meaning  that  the  sun  is  deep  down;  hpa  hpaw 
mii,  midnight  or  literally  midway  between  the  suns,  and  hsaiv  o, 
cock  crow  or  early  morning,  of  which  they  distinguish  three 
stages.  In  conversation  a Karen  indicates  the  time  of  day  or  night 
by  pointing  to  the  sun’s  position  as  it  was  at  the  time  to  which  he 
is  referring,  pointing  upward  or  downward  as  the  occasion  requires. 
More  than  once  in  the  narration  of  some  story  I have  heard  the 
different  members  of  a group  dispute  about  the  exact  angle  at 
which  the  sun  stood  when  the  incident  occurred,  the  difference  be- 
tween the  angles  indicated  being  not  more  than  a degree. 


When  a Karen  speaks  of  some  object,  he  is  likely  to  indicate  its 
size  by  comparing  it  with  some  part  of  his  person.  For  example, 
he  will  describe  a bamboo  as  being  as  large  around  as  his  arm,  or 
the  limb  of  a tree  as  being  the  size  of  his  thigh.  Applying  the  same 
principle,  he  has  devised  a system  of  rough  units  of  measurement, 
such  as  the  length  of  the  forefinger,  called  f sii  mii ; the  distance  be- 
tween the  end  of  the  thumb  and  the  end  of  the  forefinger,  t’hpi; 
the  distance  between  the  end  of  the  thumb  and  the  knuckle  of  the 
little  finger  when  the  fist  is  doubled  up,  t’so;  the  interval  between 
the  end  of  the  thumb  and  the  end  of  the  middle  finger,  t’  hta;  the 
cubit  or  the  distance  from  the  elbow  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger, 
t’  pla,  and  the  reach  of  the  outstretched  arm,  t’  hkli.  Inasmuch  as 


Measurement  of  Space 


52 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Two  Sgaw  Kaken  Maidens 

One  from  Tharrawaddy  and  the  other  from  Tavoy  District.  The 
Tavoy  girl  (on  the  right)  is  wearing  a smock  made  of  black 
velvet  purchased  in  a bazaar  and  trimmed  with  embroidei*y  of 
colored  yarns.  She  also  has  on  a head-band  such  as  is  worn  in 
that  district. 


all  of  these  units  of  measurement  vary  with  the  size  and  proportions 
of  the  individual,  allowance  is  generally  made  for  such  variations. 
The  cubit  is  commonly  employed  in  all  building  operations,  and 
men  with  long  arms  make  the  proper  correction  by  measuring  from 
the  elbow  to  the  first  joint  instead  of  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger. 
Contrariwise,  small  men  add  to  their  cubit  the  width  of  a finger 
or  more  to  bring  it  to  the  standard  length  of  a half-yard,  which 
it  is  nowadays  made  to  equal. 

Measurements  for  longer  or  shorter  distances  are  specified 
in  relative  terms,  borrowed  from  one  form  or  another  of  physical 
exertion.  Such  measui’ements  are : the  pace,  t’hka ; the  stone’s 
throw,  V kwi  leu;  a call  (that  is,  as  far  as  one  can  hear  a shout), 
f kau\  An  indefinite  distance  of  a mile  or  two,  which  one  might 


MEASURES  OF  TIME  AND  SPACE 


53 


walk  without  stopping,  is  a stage,  t’  taw  leh;  a half-day’s  journey, 
t’  mil  htii  leh)  a day’s  journey,  t’  ni  leh,  and  so  on.  The  Karen  may 
on  occasion  speak  of  a month’s  or  a year’s  journey  to  very  distant 
places.  Another  method  of  designating  distances  by  intervals  of 
time  during  which  physical  effort  is  required  is  to  specify  the  num- 
ber of  betel  chews  or  quids  that  would  be  consumed  during  the 
trip.  For  instance,  a Karen  is  apt  to  inform  one  that  a certain  vil- 
lage is  three  or  four  betel  chews  distant.  As  it  requires  from  fifteen 
to  twenty  minutes  to  dispose  of  a quid  of  betel,  the  village  in  ques- 
tion may  be  estimated  as  being  three  or  four  miles  away. 

The  Karen’s  Knowledge  of  Astronomy 

It  often  happens  that  the  Karen  find  their  way  through  the 
jungle  at  night  by  means  of  the  stars.  The  more  brilliant  constella- 
tions, called  hsa  t’  so,  are  well  known  and  have  their  particular 
names.  Of  these,  the  Great  Bear  (Hsa  k’  htaiv,  literally  the  Ele- 
phant) and  the  Southern  Cross  (Meh  la  ka)  are  referred  to  the  most 
frequently,  because  they  signify  north  and  south,  respectively. 
These  two  constellations  were  supposed,  according  to  an  old  legend, 
to  have  been  brothers,  being  thought  to  resemble  each  other  in  ap- 
pearance ; but  on  account  of  a quarrel  they  separated  and  went  to 
the  opposite  ends  of  the  heavens.  Orion  is  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Stealthily  Shooting  Stars  (Hsa  kwa  hka).  A legend  relating  to 
the  three  stars  of  Orion’s  belt,  which  are  named  Hsa  yo  ma  (stars 
that  seized  wives),  recounts  that  these  stars  kidnapped  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  Pleiades,  which  are  regarded  as  the  great  ones  of  the 
heavens.  Later  the  three  culprits  were  caught  and  reduced  to  the 
degraded  position  of  servants  to  their  parents-in-law.  The  Archer 
— Sagittarius  of  the  ancients — is  called  the  Bow-head  Star  (Hsa 
hkli  hko,  literally,  the  head  of  the  bow  where  it  is  joined  to  the  barrel 
of  the  crossbow) . The  Pleiades  are  named  Hsa  deu  m ii,  a term 
signifying  a collection  of  people  closely  related  to  one  another ; 
while  three  stars  just  east  of  the  Pleiades,  which  look  as  though  they 
had  broken  away  from  the  original  group,  are  called  Deu  mil  laiv 
hpa  (those  separated  from  the  company).  Three  stars  south 
of  the  Pleiades,  which  form  a triangle,  bear  the  name  of  the 
Loom  (Hsa  hta  hko),  because  the  geometrical  figure  indicated  by 
their  positions  suggests  that  enclosed  by  the  floor,  which  forms  the 
base ; the  wall,  the  vertical  side  ; and  the  inclined  warp,  the  hypothe- 
nuse,  of  the  loom  in  the  living-room  of  a Karen  home.  It  ought  to 


54 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


be  added  that  the  rising  of  the  morning  star,  Hsa  tu  ghaiv,  marks 
the  time  for  the  Karen  to  get  up  in  the  morning ; while  the  appear- 
ance of  the  evening  star,  Hsa  tii  ha,  informs  him  that  the  end  of 
the  day’s  work  has  come  and  with  it  the  time  for  going  home. 

The  Karen  take  note  of  shooting  stars,  which  they  speak  of 
sometimes  as  Hsa  yii  or  flying  stars  and  sometimes  as  Hsa  hpo  tha, 
youthful  stars.  Catching  sight  of  them,  people  say  that  they 
are  going  to  visit  the  maidens.  They  give  to  comets  the  obvious 
name  of  tailed  stars,  Hsa  meh  htaw,  and  are  not  different  from 
other  superstitious  races  in  believing  that  their  coming  brings 
calamity.  The  planets  have  impressed  them  as  “wandering  stars,” 
while  they  leave  the  fixed  stars  without  names,  except  the  Pole 
Star,  which  they  call  the  Mouse,  and  a star  near  the  moon,  which 
they  describe  as  the  star  that  draws  the  moon,  Hsa  mo  la.  The 
Milky  Way  reminds  the  Karen  of  their  flowering  fields  of  paddy 
and  receives  the  poetic  name  of  the  paddy  flower  stars,  Hsa  bit 
hpauK 

Like  the  Chinese  and  other  Oriental  peoples,  the  Karen  at- 
tribute the  eclipse  of  the  sun  or  moon  to  some  monster  that  devours 
the  luminary.  The  Karen,  however,  do  not  discover  this  monster  in 
the  dragon,  but  believe  that  dogs  do  the  devouring.  According  to 
the  legend,  a certain  personage,  who  possessed  the  elixir  of  life,  had 
four  dogs.  On  one  occasion  when  he  was  absent  from  home,  the 
moon  descended  to  earth  and  stole  his  wondrous  cordial.  On  his 
return,  finding  the  elixir  had  vanished,  he  constructed  a ladder  of 
rice-straw  and  mounted  aloft  with  his  dogs.  But  just  as  he  was 
stepping  upon  the  moon  his  ladder  broke,  causing  him  and  one  of 
his  faithful  beasts  to  fall  to  earth  and  lose  their  lives.  The  other 
three  dogs  were  so  fortunate  as  to  And  secure  footing  on  the  Arma- 
ment. Now  and  again  they  become  enraged  at  the  recollection  of 
the  untimely  fate  of  their  master,  attack  and  swallow  the  moon, 
and  thereby  produce  the  eclipse.  One  of  these  faithful  dogs  is  black, 
and  for  some  unknown  reason  is  unable  to  swallow  the  moon 
entire  and  so  causes  only  a partial  eclipse;  but  the  yellow  one  de- 
vours it  completely,  and  it  can  be  seen  shining  through  his  hide, 
which  accounts  for  the  color  of  the  luminary  during  a total  eclipse. 
On  escaping  through  the  animal’s  bowels,  the  moon  regains  its 
former  brightness.^ 


* See  Chapter  XXVIII  on  Tabu,  p.  289. 


MEASURES  OF  TIME  AND  SPACE 


55 


The  Gateway  of  a Village  Stockade 

This  is  a protection  not  only  against  bad  characters,  but  also  against  wild  animals. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


THE  KAREN  VILLAGE-HOUSE 

The  Karen  on  the  plains  live  in  houses  of  Burmese  construction, 
which  are  therefore  outside  the  scope  of  this  work.  In  the  Pegu 
Hills  we  find  the  single-structure  village,  which  seems  to  have 
been  the  characteristic  Karen  dwelling  from  early  times.  It  might 
be  described  as  a bamboo  apartment-house  on  stilts,  accommodating 
on  the  average  from  twenty  to  thirty  families.  It  is  spread  out  on 
one  floor,  and  each  family  occupies  not  one  “flat”  but  a room,  called 
in  Karen  “deu,”  which  faces  a central  corridor  running  the  length 
of  the  barrack. 

Such  a village,  “th’  waw,”  is  usually  rebuilt  on  a new  site  each 
year.  The  new  location  is  sought  by  the  local  chief  during  the  hot 
season,  after  conference  with  the  elders  and  after  the  crops  have 
been  brought  in.  The  place  selected  by  the  chief  is  fairly  level, 
adjacent  to  the  area  to  be  cut  over  the  coming  year,  and  near  a 
spring  or  stream  that  will  not  dry  up  during  the  hot  weather.  In 
the  old  days  it  was  also  necessary  to  choose  a site  that  would  be 
high  and  easily  defended  against  raids.  Before  the  decision  is 
finally  made,  the  chief  must  consult  the  auspices  in  the  form  of 
chicken  bones,  and  if  these  are  propitious  and  no  laughing-bird 
(Laniiis)  calls  “chet,  chet,”  the  men  begin  to  cut  bamboos  with 
which  to  construct  the  village. 

The  bamboos  selected  for  posts  are  twenty  or  more  feet  long 
and  usually  from  four  to  six  inches  in  diameter.  They  are  set  in 
the  ground  at  intervals  of  four  or  five  cubits  (six  to  seven  and  a 
half  feet).  Holes  are  chopped  through  these  large  uprights  at  a 
height  of  from  six  to  eight  feet  above  the  ground,  and  pins  are 
thrust  through  on  which  bamboo  girders  of  the  same  size  are  fas- 
tened by  means  of  withes.  At  right  angles  to  these  girders  and 
resting  on  them,  other  bamboo  poles,  slightly  smaller  in  size,  are 
tied  at  regular  intervals  of  about  a cubit  to  form  the  floor  joists. 
The  floor  is  made  of  large  bamboos,  split,  flattened  out,  and  secured 
to  the  joists  by  means  of  withes  of  the  same  material.  It  is  six 
or  eight  feet  above  the  ground,  springy,  and  seamed  with  cracks, 
through  which  rubbish  and  wash  water  may  be  disposed  of.  As 


56 


THE  KAREN  VILLAGE-HOUSE 


57 


Part  of  a Mountain  Karen  Village,  Tharrawaody  District 


Stockade  and  Gateway  of  the  Village,  Re  Tho,  Tharrawaddy  District 


58 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  floor  of  the  corridor  is  subjected  to  much  heavier  wear  than 
that  of  any  single  room,  it  is  made  of  round  bamboos  securely  tied 
together. 

Some  six  feet  or  less  above  the  girders — my  head  has  some- 
times found  that  it  was  not  fully  six  feet — another  set  of  holes  are 
hacked  into  the  posts  or  uprights,  through  which  pins  are  run  to 
serve  as  supports  for  the  “wall-plates,”  as  the  English  residents 
of  Burma  call  them,  which  run  parallel  with  the  girders  below,  and 
are  secured  in  the  same  way.  Other  bamboos,  parallel  with  the 
floor  joists,  are  tied  on  the  wall-plates  at  intervals  of  three  or  four 
feet.  These  beams  give  stability  to  the  building.  The  tops  of  the 
posts  may  be  only  a little  above  the  wall-plates,  or  they  may  run 
up  several  feet  to  the  roof-plates,  which  are  secured  by  pins  and 
bamboo  withes  like  the  beams  below.  Thei'e  may  or  may  not  be 
a roof-tie  running  across  above  the  wall-plates.  On  the  roof-plates 
rest  the  purlins  or  rafters  that  carry  the  interlocking  half-sections 
of  bamboo  of  which  the  roof  is  formed.  This  kind  of  roof  may  have 
supplied  the  model  for  the  native  round  tile  used  so  extensively  in 
China  and  throughout  the  East.  The  bamboos  to  be  used  in  the 
construction  of  the  roof  must  be  straight  and  three  or  four  inches 
in  diameter.  They  are  split  down  the  middle.  The  halves  are  laid 
close  together  with  the  concave  sides  uppermost,  and  the  cracks 
between  their  edges  are  covered  by  a second  row  of  halves  laid  with 
their  convex  sides  uppermost.  This  overlapping  of  the  concave  by 
the  convex  halves  gives  a tight  roof,  the  rain  running  down  the 
troughs  formed  by  the  concave  halves  and  off  at  the  eaves.  If  one 
set  of  interlocking  or  overlapping  bamboo  “tiles”  is  not  long  enough 
to  make  the  roof,  a second  set  fits  far  enough  under  the  higher  set 
to  catch  the  drip  from  above.  Sometimes  the  roof  covers  the  whole 
structure,  including  the  corridor.  In  that  case  it  has  a ridge  in  the 
middle;  otherwise  the  ridge  may  be  over  the  row  of  posts  next  to 
that  standing  at  the  corridor.  If  the  village-house  stands  in  a windy 
location,  where  the  rain  would  sometimes  be  driven  up  the  roof,  a 
small  bamboo  strip  is  tied  at  right  angles  across  the  upper  ends  of 
each  set  of  “tiles.”  This  is  the  more  necessary  because  the  roof  is 
never  steep,  having  a slope  of  not  more  than  twenty  degrees. 

The  walls  of  the  village-house  are  constructed  of  flattened  bam- 
boo lengths  nearly  long  enough  to  reach  from  the  floor  to  the  wall- 
plates.  Three  horizontal  bamboo  poles  of  small  diameter  are  run 
through  the  posts,  holes  having  been  made  for  the  purpose,  and  the 
flattened  bamboo  strips  are  woven  between  these.  Such  a wall  con- 


THE  KAREN  VILLAGE-HOUSE 


59 


60 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


tains  numerous  cracks  and  apertures,  and  may  be  easily  removed 
to  allow  a corpse  to  be  carried  out.  Similar  partitions  divide  the 
sleeping  apartment  from  the  rest  of  the  family-room.  (See  p.  65.) 

When  we  come  upon  such  a village,  we  may  find  it  surrounded 
by  a stockade,  as  in  the  case  of  those  in  the  Tharrawaddy  district, 
where  protection  is  thus  obtained  from  tigers  and  other  animals 
of  the  jungle  and  also  from  human  prowlers.  The  stockade  is  made 
of  bamboo  poles,  re-inforced  by  four  rows  of  sharp  pickets  woven 
in  and  out  of  the  fence.  (See  pp.  55,  57.)  The  gate  of  the  stockade  is 
constructed  of  large  bamboos  suspended  from  a cross-piece,  so  that 
they  knock  against  one  another  when  any  one  enters.  Thus,  the 
approach  of  a visitor  is  well  announced.  Once  inside  of  the  enclo- 
sure and  past  the  multitude  of  yelping  dogs  which  the  villagers 
keep,  the  visitor  comes  to  the  ladder  by  which  access  is  gained 
to  the  comniunal  abode.  The  ladder,  like  everything  else,  is  made 
of  bamboo  and  has  small  loose  rungs  that  can  be  easily  removed. 
To  an  American  it  looks  inverted,  for  it  is  narrow  at  the  bottom  and 
wide  at  the  top.  If  the  sun  is  high,  heat  is  reflected  from  the  burn- 
ing hot  bamboos.  Mounting  to  the  floor,  one  steps  gingerly  along, 
fearing  the  round  flooring  may  turn  under  him.  The  hollow  bam- 
boos resound,  as  each  rubs  and  creaks  against  its  fellows.  The  whole 
population  seems  to  be  peering  out  of  their  doors  or  peeping  through 
the  cracks.  The  visitor  enters  a doorway,  without  its  door.  The 
first  thing  in  the  room  that  strikes  his  attention  is  the  fireplace 
(“hpa  k’  pu”),  which  is  only  a little  way  from  the  entrance.  The 
intervening  space  is  largely  filled  with  water-joints,  rice  baskets, 
and  various  household  utensils.  This  is  called  the  water-joint 
place  (“hti  pu  law”).  The  fireplace  consists  of  four  upright  bam- 
boos fastened  in  the  floor  beams  below  and  reaching  to  the  cross- 
beams above.  On  the  floor  a rough  box-like  enclosure  is  built  around 
the  bottoms  of  the  poles  and  filled  in  with  dirt  and  ashes.  Three 
round  stones,  or  more  in  case  the  family  has  two  pots  boiling  at 
once,  give  support  to  the  cooking  vessels,  while  the  fire  underneath 
is  fed  with  dry  bamboo  fuel.  About  three  feet  above  the  ashes 
there  is  a shelf  made  of  bamboo  splints  with  their  hard  surfaces 
downward  to  the  fire.  The  soot  deposit  on  the  under  side  of  this 
shelf  prevents  the  flames  from  doing  any  damage.  Pots,  plates,  and 
other  utensils  find  their  convenient  resting-place  upon  the  shelf. 
One  or  two  other  shelves  above  this  serve  as  catch-alls  for  herbs, 
baskets,  tin  lamps,  unused  food,  large  knives  (“dahs”),  and  almost 
anything  else  that  finds  its  way  into  the  house.  A hole  cut  in  each 


THE  KAREN  VILLAGE-HOUSE 


61 


of  the  two  front  poles  of  the  fireplace  a little  way  above  the  floor 
serves  as  a holder  for  the  bamboo  stick  kept  for  stirring  the  cook- 
ing rice  or  other  foods. 

A smaller  box  of  ashes  in  the  center  of  the  room  supplies  a 
fireplace  for  the  warming  of  the  family  when  the  air  is  chilly  of 
nights  and  mornings.  It  is  then  comfortable  to  sit  about  the  fire, 
as  one  visits  and  tells  stories. 

The  Karen  have  little  use  for  artificial  light.  They  get  up  with 
the  sun  and  go  to  bed  with  the  chickens.  Often  the  flaring  light  of 
the  bamboo  fuel  in  the  fireplace  serves  for  light,  while  they  entertain 
visitors  or  do  odd  bits  of  belated  work.  When  they  need  something 
more  than  this,  they  use  a cup  containing  crude  earth-oil  (petroleum 
is  found  in  large  quantities  in  Upper  Burma)  with  a wick 
sticking  out,  or  they  make  torches  from  the  resinous  oil  of 
the  “xaw”  (Dipterocarpus)  tree.  These  enormous  trees  when 

tapped  yield  a good  run  of 
oil.  After  each  run  of  sap 
they  scorch  the  hole  and  get 
another  run.  The  oil  is 
mixed  with  bits  of  dry  wood 
or  punk  and  moulded  into 
sticks  about  a cubit  long  and 
an  inch  in  diameter  by  put- 
ting it  into  joints  of  small 
bamboo.  When  it  has  dried, 
it  is  wrapped  in  palm  or 
pineapple  leaves  and  tied 
up  wuth  bark  fibre.  When 
needed  for  use,  one  end  is 
loosened  and  applied  to  the 
fix'eplace  for  lighting.  It  is  then  set  on  a rough  stand  fashioned  out 
of  wood,  on  which  it  rests  in  an  oblique  position  and  in  this  manner 
burns  to  the  best  advantage.  Nowadays  little  tin  lamps  made  by 
Burmese  tinsmiths  after  the  pattern  of  the  old  Eui’opean  lamps 
are  in  common  use.  These  hold  a cotton  wick  and  give  a little  light 
and  some  smoke,  as  they  have  no  chimneys. 

Usually  beyond  the  cooking  place  a small  partition  extends  out 
about  four  feet  from  the  wall,  forming  a little  alcove  and  hiding 
from  view  the  family  sleeping-room.  The  latter  is  a small  apart- 
ment not  more  than  eight  or  ten  feet  each  way  and  is  supplied 
with  either  a few  rush  mats,  such  as  the  Burmans  are  in  the  habit 


62 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


of  sleeping  on,  or  a single  large  bamboo  mat,  besides  a quantity  of 
old  clothes,  blankets,  pillows,  and  rags  scattered  about  or  hanging 
from  the  rough  ends  of  the  walls.  At  either  the  front  or  back  of  the 
large  outer  room,  whichever  is  toward  the  east — the  place  of  honor 
in  a Karen  house — is  a raised  platform  called  the  “hso  hko.”  This 
is  about  a cubit’s  height  from  the  floor  and  has  a mat  on  it  worn 
shiny  with  much  sitting.  It  is  the  place  where  guests  are  received, 

especially  if  they  are  people  of  note. 
Here  against  the  wall  are  a few  pil- 
lows, which  may  be  half-round  bam- 
boos of  giant  size,  that  is,  from  eight 
to  ten  inches  in  diameter,  or  cloth 
pillows  fllled  with  fibre  from  the  cot- 
ton tree  (Bonibax  heterophylla) . The 
guest  is  invited  to  sit  on  the  platform 
and  to  partake  of  the  contents  of  the 
fragrant  betel-box,  which  is  sure  to 
be  hospitably  pushed  in  front  of  him.  The  cradle  usually  hangs 
from  the  crossbeams  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  being  held  up  by 
fibre  ropes,  although  occasionally  elephant  chains  are  called  into 
use  to  give  full  measure  of  security.  The  cradle  itself  may  be  a 
blanket  swung  up  at  the  four  corners,  or  it  may  be  part  of  the 
trunk  of  a large  hollow  tree.  A basket-work  cradle  is  scai'cely  ever 
found  in  old  Karen  homes. 

At  the  back  of  the  family  apartment  the  bamboo  joists  and 
flooring  project  sevei’al  feet  beyond  the  wall,  forming  a primitive 
back  veranda  where  clothes  are  hung  to  dry;  rice  (paddy),  fish, 
fruit,  and  vegetables  are  set  out  in  the  sun,  and  other  domestic 
operations  are  carried  on  in  private. 

In  a few  Karen  villages  a young  men’s  club-room  (“blaw”)  is 
still  maintained,  but  not  in  most.  Where  such  a room  exists,  it  does 
not  differ  in  general  appearance  from  a family-room,  except  that 
it  has  no  partitions.  The  hearth  in  the  middle  of  the  space  serves 
as  a social  fireside  on  cold  mornings  and  evenings.  At  the  east  end 
a raised  dais  extends  the  width  of  the  room,  being  used  both  for 
reception  and  for  sleeping  purposes.  Guests,  unless  closely  related 
to  some  family  in  the  village,  usually  sleep  here,  except  when,  as 
a mark  of  respect,  they  are  invited  to  sleep  in  a room  apart  on  the 
“hso  hko’’  with  the  men  of  the  house.  Women  guests  sleep  in  the 
family  sleeping-room  together  with  the  women  folk  and  children. 

The  old  type  of  Karen  village-house,  such  as  we  have  been 
describing  above,  is  being  modified  by  contact  with  the  Burmese 


THE  KAREN  VILLAGE-HOUSE 


63 


way  of  building,  and  every  stage  of  evolution  from  the  village-bar- 
rack to  separate  family  houses  may  be  observed  in  Karen  villages 
to-day.  (See  the  illustrations  on  pages  94,  220,  and  227.) 

When  an  epidemic  breaks  out  in  a bamboo  village-house,  the  in- 
habitants are  not  held  there  by  the  considerations  that  ordinarily 
prevent  the  dwellers  in  durable  towns  and  cities  from  taking  their 
prompt  departure.  At  best  the  Karen  village-house  is  habitable 
only  for  a year  or  two,  was  built  by  the  combined  efforts  of  the  men 
of  the  little  community  from  material  of  which  the  supply  is  abund- 
ant, and  can  be  replaced  quickly.  When,  therefore,  disease  begins 
to  spread  among  the  adjacent  families,  they  scatter  to  the  four 
winds  with  their  most  necessary  belongings.  Soon  they  gather  and 
build  another  village  on  a new’  site  and,  having  removed  the  last  of 
their  possessions  from  the  old  infected  structure,  leave  it  to  decay 
or  set  it  on  fire. 

When  a village  community  is  removing  from  one  site  to  an- 
other, the  w’omen  prepare  food  and  liquor  for  the  journey,  pack  up 
their  belongings  and  leave  them  in  the  jungle  near  the  path,  if  they 
do  not  wish  to  take  them  to  the  new  place  at  once,  and,  finally,  pre- 
pare the  offerings  to  be  left  behind.  These  offerings  consist  of  four 
balls  of  cooked  rice,  one  white,  another  made  black  by  being  mixed 
with  charcoal,  and  the  other  two  colored  red  and  yellow,  respec- 
tively, by  the  admixture  of  colored  pigments.  These  balls  are  placed 
on  a large  winnowing-sieve  that  has  been  woven  by  the  w^omen  for 
the  purpose  at  the  very  last.  This  tray  and  its  offerings  are  carried 
to  the  central  part  of  the  house,  where  it  is  visited  and  spat  upon 
by  every  member  of  the  village.  They  then  repeat  the  following 
lines : 

“Let  all  sickness  and  pain  depart.  Depart  all  colds. 

Go  eat  your  black  rice,  your  red  rice. 

Go  eat  your  betel  and  its  leaves. 

Go  eat  with  your  wife  and  your  children. 

Go  stay  in  your  house.” 

After  thus  addressing  the  spirits,  the  villagers  take  up  their  bur- 
dens, beat  their  drums  and  gongs,  and  set  out  for  their  new  abode — 
a sight,  indeed,  for  a motion  picture  camera. 

On  arriving  at  the  new  house,  they  do  not  enter  it  at  once,  but 
wait  until  some  one  has  plucked  from  adjacent  trees  seven  twigs 
growing  upright,  and  with  these  has  swept  out  the  rooms.  As  the 
sweeper  goes  through  the  house  he  repeats  the  following  incanta- 
tion : 


C4 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


“Go  away,  all  evil  spirits. 

Depart,  all  devils. 

We  and  our  children  are  going  to  stay  here. 

Do  not  remain  near.  Go.  Go.” 

The  members  of  each  family  then  take  up  the  various  household 
tasks,  including  the  building  of  the  fireplace.  If  this  is  not  com- 
pleted the  same  night,  they  tie  up  their  wrists  to  keep  their  “k’las” 
from  wandering  away  and  finish  it  the  next  morning.  This  is  done 
among  the  Karen  of  Siam. 

In  the  preceding  pages  of  this  chapter  I have  attempted  to  give 
a description  of  the  Karen  village-house.  I do  not  say  “home,”  for 
the  Karen  language  has  no  word  for  home.  The  house  is,  however, 
something  more  than  the  eating  and  sleeping  place  of  the  village 
fam'lies:  it  is  the  center  of  their  domestic  life  and  worship  and  as 
such  possesses  a certain  amount  of  sanctity.  From  what  has  been 
said  above,  it  is  clear  that  the  village  structure  displays  no  attempts 
at  artistic  decoration,  and  is  not  made  attractive  by  any  of  the 
touches  that  give  so  rich  a meaning  to  the  word  “home”  among 
Christians.  The  Karen  bamboo  house,  located  in  a tropical  climate 
as  it  is,  affords  a certain  amount  of  physical  comfort:  the  breezes 
blow  through  its  airy  walls,  and  one  may  lounge  and  gossip  within 
during  the  heat  of  the  day  and  not  experience  great  oppression. 
At  night,  when  the  cool  air  begins  to  make  itself  felt,  the  open 
fire  with  its  cheerful  blaze  attracts  the  story-teller,  while  out  in  the 
shadows  the  youthful  lover  strums  his  harp,  and  the  children  and 
the  dogs  play  about  in  sufficient  quietness  not  to  disturb  their 
elders. 

Everywhere  common  dogs  are  kept  by  the  Karen.  These  are 
the  ordinary  smooth-haired  pariah  hounds,  which  are  familiar  to 
the  traveler  in  all  parts  of  the  peninsula.  Besides  these  there  are 
the  hunting-dogs,  mentioned  in  the  chapter  on  Hunting  and  Fish- 
ing.^ Only  in  recent  days  have  the  Karen  shown  any  inclination  to 
raise  cats.  In  the  early  days  they  professed  not  to  eat  these  felines ; 
but  I can  testify  that,  whatever  their  former  antipathies  to  the  cat 
tribe  may  have  been  in  this  regard,  they  no  longer  hesitate  to  eat 
the  wild  varieties  of  cats  that  are  to  be  caught  in  the  jungle.  They 
also  find  rats  palatable. 

Pigs  and  fowls  are  the  most  common  domestic  animals  among 
the  Karen.  Dr.  Mason  speaks  of  the  pigs  as  being  of  the  “small 
Chinese  variety.”  - They  are  the  property  of  the  women  and  know 


1 See  p.  102. 

- Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  XXXVII.  Pt.  II,  129. 


THE  KAREN  VILLAGE-HOUSE 


65 


their  mistress’s  voice.  When  a woman  dies,  her  pigs  are  killed  in 
order  that  their  “k’  las”  may  accompany  her  into  the  next  world. 
The  fowls  are  of  a variety  not  unlike  the  wild  jungle-fowls  found  all 
over  the  country. 

On  the  plains  buffaloes  have  been  extensively  bred  for  use  as 
draft  animals  and  in  cultivating  the  paddy-fields.  As  they  are  slow- 
going  creatures  the  small  native  oxen,  often  mistakenly  identified 
with  the  “sacred  ox”  from  having  a hump  like  the  cattle  supposed 
to  have  been  used  in  ancient  Israel,  have  largely  superseded  them 
for  draft  purposes.  In  the  Toungoo  Hills  oxen  are  employed  to 
some  extent  as  pack-animals,  especially  by  the  Paku  tribe.  Both 
the  Paku  and  their  neighbors,  the  Mawnepgha,  raise  a few  goats, 
while  the  Red  Karen  are  breeders  of  ponies  to  some  extent. 


• Kaingdagyi  I9I7  • 


CHAPTER  IX 


FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION 

The  dietary  of  the  Karen  includes  almost  everything  edible  in 
the  way  of  vegetables  that  grow  in  their  country.  A great  variety 
of  fish,  birds,  and  animals  are  also  partaken  of;  but  it  should  be 
said  at  once  that  three-fourths,  if  not  seven-eighths,  of  the  amount 
of  food  they  consume  is  rice,  of  which  they  raise  many  varieties. 
Next  to  rice  they  resort  in  time  of  need  to  millet,  maize,  and  roots, 
especially  yams  of  different  kinds.  Besides  gourds,  squashes,  egg- 
plant, roselle,  sweet  potatoes,  and  the  edible  fruits,  the  Karen  eat 
the  tender  shoots  of  many  plants  and  trees,  including  the  bamboo. 

All  kinds  of  fish  and  eels,  some  varieties  of  crabs,  snakes,  lo- 
custs, and  grasshoppers,  snails  and  other  mollusks,  and  even  cer- 
tain varieties  of  ants  are  comprised  in  the  menu.  Flesh  of  all  sorts 
from  that  of  the  elephant  to  that  of  the  rat  is  eaten  with  relish. 
In  the  realm  of  feathered  creatures  the  variety  is  equally  compre- 
hensive, ranging  from  the  sparrow  to  the  peacock,  not  even  omit- 
ting the  crow.  Fish-paste,  called  in  Karen  “nya  u”  ^ but  commonly 
given  its  Burmese  name  of  “ngape,”  is  greatly  prized  by  the  Karen, 
who  think  that  it  adds  a very  savory  flavor  to  their  food.  On  the 
plains  they  buy  it  from  the  Burmans  from  whom,  it  may  be,  they 
have  adopted  its  use,  but  sometimes  those  living  near  streams  or 
lakes  make  it  for  themselves. 

Notwithstanding  their  inclusive  diet,  the  Karen  have  no  idea 
of  what  we  call  a balanced  ration  and,  after  all,  are  more  or  less 
undernourished.  They  also  practice  constantly  the  habit  of  betel 
chewing,  which  benumbs  their  sense  of  taste.  For  these  reasons 
they  crave  highly  seasoned  foods.  Chilies  or  red  peppers  are  con- 
sidered a necessity,  while  meats  and  powdered  condiments  of  spices, 
tumeric,  and  chilies  are  used  only  to  make  the  pungent  curry  sauce 
with  which  the  cooked  rice  is  flavored.  Salt,  which  is  obtained  at 
the  bazaars,  is  also  used  in  seasoning. 

1 Messrs.  Hose  and  MacDoujral  speak  of  some  writer,  whose  name  they  do  not  give,  as 
conveying  the  impression  that  the  Karen  do  not  eat  the  flesh  of  animals  belonging  to  the  cat 
tribe.  I have  not  found  this  to  be  true.  {Vide  Hose  and  McDougal,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo, 
Vol.  II,  239). 

“ This  word  means  literally  “rotten  fish.” 


66 


FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION 


67 


Inasmuch  as  rice  is  the  chief  article  of  diet  among  the  Karen, 
a few  words  should  be  said  about  its  preparation.  “Paddy,”  which 
is  the  grain  before  it  has  been  cleaned  for  cooking,  is  brought  home 
from  the  bins  in  which  it  has  been  stored  and  spread  out  on  mats 
to  dry  in  the  sun.  It  is  then  pounded  in  mortars  to  rub  off  the  outer 
husk.  A second  pounding  removes  the  inner  skin  covering  each 
grain  and  polishes  the  rice  pure  white.  (See  p.  68.)  As  cleaned  rice 
does  not  keep  as  well  as  paddy,  the  natives  pound  out  only  enough 
to  last  a week  or  two.  The  kernels  are  washed  in  a basket  with  a 
sieve-like  bottom  and  are  then  poured  into  a pot  of  boiling  water. 
They  are  allowed  to  cook  vigorously  for  ten  minutes  or  less,  until 
they  swell  and  become  soft  enough  to  crush  easily  between  the 
thumb  and  finger.  The  water  is  then  poured  off  and  the  pot  set 
back  in  the  hot  ashes  to  dry  out  any  remaining  water.  When  the 
rice  is  served,  it  remains  whole,  firm,  and  slightly  hard.  Soft  boiled 
rice  is  most  unpalatable  to  the  Karen,  who  think  it  not  so  sustaining 
as  the  less  cooked  cereal.  Nowadays  the  cooking  is  done  in  most 
places  in  earthen  pots,  which  are  bought  from  Burmese  or  Shan 
traders.  These  pots  are  of  red  unglazed  clay,  cost  but  a few  annas, 
(one  anna  is  equal  to  about  two  cents  or  an  English  penny),  and 
last  with  care  for  some  time. 

Besides  the  rice  used  for  ordinary  meals  there  are  many  va- 
rieties of  glutinous  rice  that  are  cooked  or  steamed  on  the  plains 
for  an  early  morning  meal  or  for  special  feasts.  The  steamers  are 
made  like  the  Burmese  pots,  but  with  a number  of  small  holes  in  the 
bottom.  These  are  placed  over  vessels  of  boiling  water,  the  steam 
of  which  rises  through  the  openings  and  permeates  the  grain.  I 
have  been  told  that  when  a rare  feast  is  desired,  the  rice  is  steamed 
over  a vessel  in  which  a chicken  is  boiling,  and  the  rice  becomes 
flavored  with  the  fowl.  Steamed  glutinous  rice  is  sometimes  mixed 
with  sessimum  seeds  and  pounded  in  a mortar  until  it  becomes  a 
sticky  paste.  This  mixture  is  called  “to  me  to  pi.” 

It  is  reported  that  long  ago,  before  the  Karen  had  as  much 
dealing  with  the  Burmese  as  they  do  now,  they  cooked  their  rice 
in  joints  of  bamboo.  At  any  rate,  this  is  their  present  practice 
when  out  in  the  forest.  The  hunter  or  wayfarer  in  the  jungle  puts 
his  rice  into  a large  joint  of  bamboo,  which  he  stands  at  the  edge 
of  a little  Are  until  the  contents  are  sufficiently  boiled.  The  hard 
silicious  sheathing  of  the  bamboo  easily  withstands  the  heat  of  a 
single  cooking.  Once  used,  the  joint  is  thrown  away,  for  there  are 
plenty  more  to  be  cut  as  occasion  demands.  Sometimes  cooked  rice 


68 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


for  a journey  is  carried  in  the  same  joint  in  which  it  was  boiled. 
Certain  kinds  of  bamboo,  such  as  the  thorny  variety  “wa  hsgu,” 
which  grows  in  low  lands,  impart  a special  flavor  to  the  rice  that  is 
cooked  in  them.  Rice  deriving  its  taste  from  the  thorny  bamboo  is 
thought  to  be  one  of  the  most  delicious  viands  that  can  be  obtained 
and  is  called  “me  taw.”  When  certain  kinds  of  bamboo  bear  fruit. 


Pounding  Paddv  in  a Mortar 


which  is  at  long  intervals,  their  seeds  are  often  cooked  and  eaten  in 
place  of  rice. 

The  larger  vegetables,  like  pumpkins,  yams,  etc.,  are  cut  up 
and  boiled  until  soft.  Green  fruits  and  shoots  are  also  cooked,  al- 
though many  spicy  kinds  of  shoots  and  ripe  fruits  are  generally 
eaten  raw. 

There  are  intervals  when  a village  community  lives  only  on 
rice  eaten  with  a little  salt,  fish-paste  gravy,  and  red  peppers.  After 


FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION 


69 


a fishing  or  hunting  expedition,  however,  or  when  some  feast  is 
held,  the  people  gorge  themselves  with  as  many  kinds  of  meat  or 
fish  as  they  can  obtain.  Lai'ger  fish  and  the  flesh  of  animals  are 
cut  up  and  cleaned  before  cooking.  No  part  of  an  animal  is  wasted. 
The  intestines,  when  properly  cleansed  and  prepared,  are  considered 
especially  toothsome.  The  best-liked  meats  are  pork  and  venison. 
Birds,  pigeons,  and  ducks  are  also  regarded  as  good  eating.  Small 
birds  a:e  often  cooked  without  other  preliminaries  than  a hasty 


The  Fireplace  in  a Hill  Karen  House 
The  housewife  is  watching  the  pot  boil.  Signs  of  approaching  civilization 
are  apparent,  such  as  the  enamel  plate  and  the  kerosene  oil  tin. 


plucking  of  the  feathers.  Meats  are  ordinarily  cooked  with  the 
oil  pressed  from  sesame  seeds  and  flavored  with  condiments  more 
or  less  in  the  manner  of  Indian  curries.  For  this  purpose  a larger 
or  smaller  quantity  of  the  following  spices  are  used : tumeric,  gin- 
ger, cloves,  cardamon  seeds,  and  cinnamon  bark,  besides  tamarind, 
lime-juice,  and  the  inevitable  salt  and  chili.  Fishermen  and 
hunters  like  to  roast  small  game,  fish,  or  strips  of  meat  from  larger 
animals  between  splints  of  bamboo  hung  near  or  over  a camp  fire. 
The  Polynesian  way  of  baking  such  foods  is  often  employed,  the 
fish,  flesh,  or  fowl  being  wrapped  in  plantain  leaves  and  buried  in  a 
pit,  which  is  lined  with  stones  made  hot  by  having  had  a roaring  fire 


70 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


on  them.  I\Ieat  in  excess  of  immediate  needs  is  cut  into  narrow 
strips  and  dried  on  a rack  over  a fire.  The  strips  are  then  covered 
with  salt  and  stored  away  for  future  use.  Fish  are  dried  in  the 
same  way.  Such  preserved  foods  are  eaten  by  the  workers  in  the 
fields  or  help  to  furnish  forth  the  repasts  on  a journey.  In  the 
hills,  so  far  as  I have  obseiwed,  the  Karen  does  not  fry  his  food; 
but  on  the  plains,  where  he  has  more  or  less  taken  up  Burmese 
ways,  cooking  food  in  fat  has  become  somewhat  common.  This  is 
usually  done  outside  the  house,  however,  because  the  Karen,  like 
the  Burmese  and  Shan,  have  a superstitious  fear  of  the  smell  of 
cooking. 

While  cooking  is  preeminently  the  women’s  work,  it  seems  that 
nearly  every  man  can  cook  and  does  on  occasion  prepare  his  own 
food.  I have  eaten  many  a tasty  meal  prepared  by  Karen  men,  who 
considerately  took  pains  to  have  clean  utensils  and  to  use  only  such 
condiments  as  they  knew  white  men  were  likely  to  relish. 

The  serving  of  food  among  the  Karen  is  a simple  matter.  The 
rice  is  emptied  into  a tray,  the  meats  or  vegetables  are  put  in  little 
bowls,  and  all  are  set  on  a mat  on  the  floor.  The  members  of  the 
household  squat  around  this  “family  board”  and  eat  with  the  hand. 
They  pour  gravy  from  the  meat,  fish,  or  other  side-dishes  on  the 
rice,  work  it  in  with  the  fingex’s,  and  convey  the  food  in  compact 
lumps  to  their  mouths.  Among  the  moi’e  primitive  lai*ge  plantain 
leaves  often  sei’ve  as  ti'ays  and  plates.  The  Kai’en  on  the  plains 
use  sepai'ate  dishes  of  china  or  enamel-wai'e,  which  are  I'eadily 
obtained  in  the  bazaar.  These  ai’e  set  on  a low  table,  standing  no 
more  than  six  inches  above  the  floor.  This  manner  of  sei’ving  is  in 
vogue  among  the  Bui’mese.  Thei’e  is  not  much  sociability  about  a 
Karen  meal.  Each  person  attends  to  his  eating  until  he  has  finished, 
when  he  I’ises,  I’inses  off  his  hands,  quenches  his  thirst  with  a di’ink 
of  water,  and  withdi’aws  to  sit  down,  or  leaves  the  house  without 
foi’mality.  The  membei’s  of  a family  genei’ally  eat  together;  but 
if  guests  are  pi’esent,  the  women  usually  wait  until  the  men  are 
served.  Lai’ge  quantities  of  food  are  prepai’ed  for  wedding  and 
funei'al-feasts,  which,  as  a nile,  the  men  and  women  partake  of 
sepai’ately  without  pai’ticular  oi’der  or  ai’rangement. 

The  safety-match  is  nowadays  the  common  means  employed  by 
Kai’ens  in  pi’oducing  fii’e ; but  foi'meidy  the  flint  and  steel  were  used, 
as  they  wei’e  all  over  the  world  in  the  eai'ly  days  of  the  nine- 
teenth centui’y  and  befoi'e.  A simpler,  and  pi'obably  indigenous, 
method  was  by  the  friction  of  two  dry  pieces  of  bamboo.  One 


FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION 


71 


piece  was  sawn  back  and  forth  through  a groove  cut  crosswise  on 
the  crest  of  another,  the  latter  being  a half-section  of  large  bamboo 
laid  over  a quantity  of  shavings  or  punk.  The  heat  thus  generated 
in  a minute  or  two  produced  smoke  and  a flame,  and  the  tinder 
caught  the  blaze.  A generation  or  two  ago  Karens  carried  fire 
pistons,  when  on  a journey,  to  light  their  pipes.  The  description  of 
this  simple  mechanism,  which  has  been  given  to  me,  is  that  it  was 
a bone  or  metal  cylinder  with  a small  hole  at  one  end  into  which  a 
tight-fitting  piston  was  driven  by  a sharp  blow  and  then  quickly 
withdrawal.  The  air  wdthin  w'as  thus  sufficiently  compressed  and 
heated  to  ignite  a bit  of  tinder  at  the  bottom  of  the  cylinder.^ 

Milk  does  not  form  a part  of  the  diet  of  the  Karen  people  any 
more  than  it  does  of  some  other  Oriental  races.  There  is  little  with 
which  to  feed  babies  whose  mothers  can  not  nurse  them.  How- 
ever, it  is  a comparatively  rare  thing  for  a mother  not  to  be  able 
to  nurse  her  child.  The  first  solid  food  given  to  babies  is  rice 
that  has  first  been  masticated  by  the  mother.  The  kind  of  food 
eaten  by  the  parents  is  given  to  their  children  as  soon  as  they  cry 
for  it.  This,  I think,  is  one  of  the  most  fruitful  sources  of  the  high 
death  rate  among  Karen  infants. 

The  people  in  the  hills  eat  three  meals  a day,  one  soon  after 
rising,  one  at  mid-day,  and  the  third  in  the  evening  after  the  w'ork 
is  done.  On  the  plains  an  early  “chota  hazri”  of  glutinous  rice  is 
sometimes,  but  not  always,  taken. ^ The  regular  morning  meal  comes 
somewhere  between  eight  and  ten  o’clock  and  the  afternoon  repast 
between  three  and  five.  Tea  is  coming  to  be  much  used  among  the 
Karen,  either  the  native  pickled  tea  which  is  imported  by  the  Bur- 
mese from  the  Shan  states,  or  the  Chinese  and  India  teas  which 
are  now  sold  all  over  the  country.  The  Karen  drink  their  tea  wdth- 
out  milk  and  often  put  in  a little  salt  in  place  of  sugar.  Coffee  is 
used  to  some  extent  in  the  Karen  hills  and  is  drunk  without  milk, 
unless  some  one  has  brought  home  a can  of  condensed  milk  from 
towm,  this  preparation  being  considered  a most  delicious  sweet- 
meat. 

Alcoholic  beverages  are  brewed  or  distilled  among  the  Karen. 
A kind  of  rice  beer  is  made  by  allowing  boiled  rice  to  stand  in  jars 
of  water  and  ferment.  Old  fermented  rice  is  left  in  a jar,  and  fresh 
rice  water  is  poured  upon  it.  After  standing  several  days,  it  ac- 

^ The  fire  piston  is  used  by  the  Ibans  in  Borneo.  It  is  also  found  throughout  the  Malay 
Peninsula  and  in  Sumatra:  Hose  and  MacDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo. 

* “Chota  hazri“  is  the  Hindustani  word  used  throughout  India  for  the  little  breakfast  of 
toast  and  tea  or  coffee  that  Europeans  take  immediately  on  rising. 


72 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


quires  the  desired  strength  or  percentage  of  alcohol.  Distilled 
liquor  is  obtained  by  boiling  the  fermented  beverage  in  a closed 
vessel,  from  the  top  of  which  issues  a bamboo  pipe  that  leads  to  an- 
other vessel  in  which  the  steam  condenses.  A more  concentrated 
solution  of  alcohol  is  thus  secured.  On  the  plains  the  glutinous 
rice,  which  is  raised  there,  is  much  more  commonly  used  in  making 
liquor  than  the  ordinary  grain,  because  it  contains  a higher  per- 
centage of  sugar.  The  plains  possess  another  source  of  intoxicant 
in  the  “toddy-palms.”  (See  pp.  105  and  220.)  The  juice  of  these 
palms,  which  exudes  from  the  cut  stems  of  the  fronds,  is  collected 
and  allowed  to  ferment,  thus  producing  a liquor  that  is  responsible 
for  much  of  the  crime  committed  by  the  rural  people  of  all  races. 

In  former  days,  in  the  more  backward  Karen  districts  and  in 
Siam,  the  preparation  of  drink  constituted  a considerable  part  of 
the  work  of  the  women.  It  was  used  with  every  meal  and  was 
regarded  as  a necessary  part  of  the  native  diet.  Large  quantities 
of  liquor  were  provided  for  every  festival.  But  its  use  is  lessening 
among  the  more  progressive  natives  and  is  rapidly  disappearing 
among  the  Christian  Karens. 

The  use  of  betel  and  tobacco  is  prevalent  among  the  Karen  peo- 
ple. Indeed,  one  might  say  that  it  is  almost  universal  among  them. 
The  betel-box  is  always  carried  on  a journey  and  is  ever  at  hand 
where  work  is  being  done.  When  the  guest  arrives,  the  first  act  of 
hospitality  is  to  push  the  box,  replenished  with  its  masticatories, 
in  front  of  him.  Betel,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Karen,  forms  a 
part  of  his  food.  Small  bits  of  the  areca-nut  are  laid  on  a fresh 
green  leaf  of  the  piper  betel  vine ; lime  is  also  smeared  on  the  leaf, 
and  perhaps  a few'  cloves  or  shreds  of  tobacco  leaf  are  added;  the 
betel  leaf  is  then  folded  into  a w'ad  and  put  into  the  mouth.  In  the 
process  of  chewing  this  “quid”  the  saliva  is  turned  to  a bright  red, 
being  secreted  in  such  quantity  that  frequent  expectoration  is  nec- 
essary. Wherever  this  spittle  falls  it  leaves  a red  stain.  The  in- 
terior w'alls  of  the  houses,  especially  in  the  corners,  and  the  floors 
near  the  cracks  are  much  stained  wdth  red.  It  is  not  safe  to  stop 
under  a wdndow'  or  beneath  a house,  unless  one  is  sure  that  nobody 
is  within.  An  early  missionary,  who  traveled  wdth  a white  pony, 
w'as  surprised  one  morning  to  find  his  animal  w'onderfully  streaked 
with  red,  w'hich  yielded  only  to  a vigorous  w'ashing.  Betel  chewdng 
stains  the  teeth  black,  though  it  does  not  materially  injure  them, 
except  that  the  hard  usage  w'ears  them  dowm  or  causes  them  to 
break  off  prematurely.  Karens  often  speak  of  a short  space  of 


FOOD  AND  ITS  PREPARATION 


73 


time  as  being  about  a betel-chew  which,  strictly  speaking,  would 
mean  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes.  The  women  in  the  hills,  instead 
of  chewing  the  quid,  allow  it  to  remain  on  the  tongue  and  mull  it 
for  hours  at  a time,  much  to  the  annoyance  of  any  one  trying  to 
follow  them  in  their  conversation,  which  they  keep  up  meantime. 

The  areca-nut  is  cut  up  with  a kind  of  scissors  or  a sickle. 
Some  use  a section  of  deer’s  horn  about  six  inches  long  in  bi'eaking 


Karen  Tobacco  Pipes  and  a Piston  for  Breaking  Betel-nut 
Nos.  1 and  2 are  sections  of  bamboo  decorated  with  etched  designs  ; Nos.  3 and 
4 have  monkey-bone  stems,  and  No.  5 is  a bamboo  root  decorated  with  silver 

bead-work. 

up  these  nuts.  The  horn  is  perforated  by  a hole  large  enough  at  one 
end  to  admit  a whole  nut,  but  considerably  smaller  at  the  other  end. 
In  being  driven  through  this  orifice  the  nut  is  broken  into  bits, 
which  issue  from  the  smaller  opening.  This  nut-breaker  is  not 
used  as  much  now  as  formerly.  The  areca-nuts  and  other  supplies 
for  betel  chewing  are  kept  in  the  ever  present  betel-box,  which  in 
the  hills  may  be  nothing  more  than  an  end  of  bamboo  or,  among 
those  having  due  regard  for  the  social  amenities  connected  with  the 
practice,  is  likely  to  be  a round  laquer  receptacle  or,  in  rare  in- 


74 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


stances,  even  a brass  box.  These  more  pretentious  containers  are 
fitted  with  one  or  two  trays,  on  which  the  supplies  are  conveniently 
disposed. 

The  habit  of  tobacco  smoking  is  almost  as  prevalent  among 
the  Karen  as  that  of  betel  chewing.  It  is  indulged  in  by  both  sexes 
and  all  ages.  The  dried  leaf  is  rolled  into  a rude  cigar  and  smoked 
without  further  preparation.  Pipes  of  various  kinds  are  also  used. 
The  Karen  analogue  of  the  American  corn-cob  pipe  is  the  simplest 
form,  consisting  of  a short  section  of  a small  bamboo  with  a stem 
of  the  same  inserted  in  the  side.  An  approach  to  our  brier-root 
pipe  is  made  of  a curved  root  of  bamboo,  nicely  smoothed  off  and 
fitted  with  a stem  of  monkey-bone  or  silver.  The  bowl  of  this  latter 
kind  of  pipe  is  sometimes  supplied  with  a silver  lining  and  has  a 
silver  wire  wrapped  around  it  by  way  of  ornamentation.  The  or- 
dinary straight  pipe  may  be  etched  with  geometric  figures  in  fine 
lines  and  with  borders  of  saw-tooth  and  star  designs.  Designs  in- 
cised on  bamboo  are  found  throughout  the  Malay  countries,  Borneo, 
and  the  Philippine  Islands.® 


Offerings  and  Traps  on  the  Edge  of  a Field 
The  bamboo  platform  and  basket  contain  the  offerings  of  the  ‘‘ta  maw 
a hku”  ceremony.  Two  kinds  of  rat  traps  are  seen  at  the  left.  On  the 
right  is  a “wa  hkaw”  or  spear  trap,  the  point  of  which  is  under  the  offer- 
ings at  the  opening  there. 

^ Skeat  and  Blagdon,  Pagan  Tribes  of  the  Malay  Peninsula,  Vol.  I,  pp.  395,  ff.  ; Cole,  Wild 
Tribes  of  the  Davao  District,  71  : Hose  and  MacDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  I,  228-230. 


CHAPTER  X 

AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


In  the  Hills 

The  Karen’s  chief  occupation  is  the  cultivation  of  the  most 
important  article  of  his  diet,  namely,  rice.  Throughout  the  Orient 
this  grain  is  called  “paddy”  during  all  the  stages  of  its  growth  and 
curing,  until  it  is  husked  and  polished  ready  for  cooking.  The  meth- 
od of  cultivation  in  the  hills  is  widely  different  from  that  on  the 
plains.  We  shall  consider  the  former  first,  as  it  is  more  primitive 
and,  until  recently,  was  practiced  by  far  the  larger  number  of  the 
people.  In  Burma  this  more  primitive  method  is  often  spoken  of  as 
the  “ya”  cultivation,  from  the  Burmese  word  designating  it.  It  is 
characteristic  of  this  cultivation  that  a new  hill  field,  called  “hku” 
in  Karen,  has  to  be  selected,  cleared,  and  burned  off  each  year.  The 
planting  of  the  grain  must  follow  immediately  after  all  seeds  and 
small  roots  have  been  destroyed  by  fire,  or  no  crop  can  be  raised 
with  the  primitive  implements  in  use,  on  account  of  the  rapid  resus- 
citation of  the  jungle.  The  ashes  from  the  consumed  vegetation 
act  as  a fertilizer,  without  which  the  crop  would  scarcely  be  worth 
the  reaping.  At  the  present  time  the  Government  so  limits  the 
areas  open  to  the  Karen  for  cultivation  in  some  districts  that  a 
sufficient  interval  does  not  elapse  between  plantings  to  allow  the 
growth  of  enough  timber  for  the  production  of  the  ashes  necessary 
to  fertilize  the  soil  properly.  Hence,  crop  production  is  declining 
in  these  districts.  At  least  seven  years  should  intervene  before  a 
plot  is  cleared  and  planted  a second  time,  and  even  this  period  is  too 
short  for  the  production  of  the  best  crops. ^ 

^The  “ya**  cultivation,  it  is  obvious,  is  most  destructive  of  the  forests.  Unsuccessful  ef- 
forts have  been  put  forth  to  induce  the  Karen  in  the  hills  to  give  it  up.  It  has  been  suggested 
that  the  people  keep  gardens  and  raise  produce  for  sale.  This  proposal  overlooks  the  lack  of 
adequate  roads  for  transporting  the  crops  to  market.  The  Karen  are  backward  about  engaging 
in  new  undertakings.  They  raise  their  food  and  obtain  what  else  they  need  by  barter.  Until 
recently  this  mode  of  living  has  sufficed  for  them.  They  have  not  been  accustomed  to  handling 
money  or  making  it  last  long. 

With  the  introduction  of  new  ideas  and  the  increase  of  mining  concessions  and  forest 
restrictions,  changes  are  inevitable  and  should  be  planned  for,  especially  as  the  granting  of  new 
mining  concessions  will  increase  the  number  of  outsiders.  It  has  seemed  to  the  present  writer 
that  “ya’*  cultivation  might  be  limited  to  a term  of  years,  during  which  a number  of  British 


75 


76 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


When  a crop  has  been  harvested,  the  village  chief  and  elders 
choose  the  ground  to  be  cut  over  the  following  year.  Each  village 
has  its  well-recognized  farming  areas,  beyond  which  are  the  lands 
of  the  neighboring  village.  Each  member  of  the  communtiy  then 
picks  out  his  particular  plot  for  cultivating,  takes  home  a lump  of 
the  earth,  puts  it  under  his  pillow,  and  sleeps  on  it.  If  he  has  an 
auspicious  dream,  he  consults  the  chicken  bones  for  a confirmation 
of  the  good  omen.  Securing  this  confirmation,  he  regards  his  choice 
as  fixed.  Otherwise,  he  selects  another  plot  and  repeats  the  cere- 
monies. Once  his  selection  is  approved  by  the  auspices,  the  spot 
is  called  a “du  la,”  and  he  clears  a little  space  on  the  land,  after 
which  he  addresses  the  spirits  as  follows: 

“Depart  all  you  evil  spirits  (‘ta  we  ta  na’)- 
We  are  going  to  work  here  for  our  food, 

To  get  sustenance  for  our  wife  and  children. 

Let  no  sickness  come  upon  us. 

We  are  going  to  work  until  it  is  finished.” 

Next  he  places  a lump  of  soil  on  the  clearing  and,  having  wrapped 
the  chicken  bones  in  the  leaf  of  a creeper  (“ki  ku”),  he  touches  the 
lump  with  them,  raises  them  towards  the  sky,  and  again  touches 
or  strikes  the  clod  with  the  mystic  bones.  He  now  breaks  these 
apart  and  scrapes  them  until  he  can  insert  splints  of  bamboo  into 
the  holes  of  the  bones.  If  this  act  of  divination  is  also  successful, 
he  is  ready  for  work. 

In  the  early  days,  when  much  of  the  primeval  forest  was  still 
standing,  the  Karen  would  clear  out  the  brush  and  bamboos  from 
among  the  giant  trees  on  the  hillside  they  were  preparing  to  culti- 
vate. Then  they  raised  platforms  at  the  foot  of  the  trees  from 
which  they  could  cut  them  above  the  broad-spreading  buttresses 
at  their  base,  leaving  enough  of  the  trunk  intact  to  keep  them  from 
falling.  When  the  whole  hillside  tract  had  been  cut  over  in  this 
manner,  they  felled  the  uppermost  tree  so  as  to  crash  down  on 
those  just  below,  and  these  in  turn  would  bring  down  others  until 

officers,  who  should  become  familiar  with  the  Karen  people  and  language,  should  develop  a plan 
in  accordance  with  which  these  tribes  might  be  given  reservations  of  land  in  exchange  for  the 
valuable  areas  now  under  their  cojitrol.  These  reservations  might  be  either  in  the  hills  or  on 
the  plains,  but  the  Karens  should  be  taught  to  cultivate  them  according  to  approved  methods, 
in  order  to  gain  an  ample  livelihood.  Old  racial  animosities  and  the  temptation  for  one  people  to 
exploit  another  militate  against  entrusting  such  a policy  to  Burman  officials.  It  ought  to  be 
placed  only  in  the  hands  of  earnest,  straightforward  Government  officials,  who  have  gained  the 
confidence  of  the  Karen  and  are  able  to  deal  w’ith  them  sympathetically  but  firmly.  This  general 
program  would  doubtless  involve  some  outlay  in  supplying  cattle,  not  to  speak  of  competent 
instruction  in  modern  agricultural  methods,  animal  husbandry,  etc. 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


77 


A Hillside  Plot  Cut  Ready  for  Burning 


A Paddy-bin  for  Storing  Grain  in  the  J’ield 
The  bamboo  clappers  in  the  foreground  are  for  scaring  away  the  birds. 


78 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  whole  mountain  side  seemed  to  be  swept  by  a mighty  avalanche, 
which  resounded  far  and  wide  across  the  valleys,  drowning  the 
shouts  of  the  people  who  were  wild  with  excitement  at  seeing  the 
culmination  of  the  labor  of  weeks.  The  fallen  timber  and  heaps 
of  brush  had  still  to  lie  for  a fortnight  or  more  in  the  hot  sun  until 
dry  enough  to  burn. 

The  burning-off  process,  which  is  always  a necessary  part  of 
clearing  the  land  as  mentioned  above,  is  preceded  by  its  appropriate 
ritual,  in  order  to  prevent  any  wandering  shades  or  “k’las”  from 
being  consumed.  As  a means  of  warding  off  evil,  the  ritualist  ties 
up  his  wrists  and,  as  he  does  so,  invokes  the  “k’las”  as  follows: 

“Pru-u-u  k’la,  come  back.  Remain  not  in  the  forest. 

Nor  in  the  places  where  the  jungle  is  newly  cut. 

Do  not  stay  with  evil  demons. 

We  are  about  to  burn  our  cutting. 

Come  back  and  stay  in  the  house.  Come  back.” 

In  lighting  the  blaze,  they  do  so  with  fire  from  bundles  of  twigs 
that  have  first  been  sprinkled  with  the  blood  of  a fowl.  The  burn- 
ing is  carefully  watched,  so  that  the  fire  may  be  kept  from  spread- 
ing to  the  surrounding  forests.  When  bamboos  are  burned,  the  air 
in  the  hollow  joints  expands  and  bursts  the  stems  with  sharp  re- 
ports. A burning  field  sounds  like  the  fusillade  of  a battery  of 
machine  guns  and  affords  as  much  delight  to  the  Karen  as  a packet 
of  firecrackers  to  a small  boy. 

When  the  rains  have  begun,  the  villagers  begin  their  planting. 
With  a sharp  stick  or  the  point  of  a long  knife  (“dah”)  they  make 
tiny  holes  in  the  soft  ground  about  a foot  apart  and  drop  into  each 
two  or  three  seeds  of  paddy.  The  field  is  now  called  a “hku.”  About 
this  time  also  each  family  builds  the  little  hut  in  its  plot  of  ground 
that  is  to  serve  both  as  a shelter  and  home  until  the  harvest  shall 
have  been  gathered.  It  is  a rude  affair  made  of  a few  bamboos, 
either  saved  when  the  field  was  cleared  or  newly  brought  from  the 
jungle,  and  consists  of  a platform,  roof,  and  loosely  fitted  sides. 

When  the  paddy  has  sprouted  and  tinged  the  hillside  with 
green,  another  ceremony  (“theh  a khii”)  must  be  performed.  Offer- 
ings of  liquor  and  a fowl,  which  has  been  cooked  at  home,  are  placed 
upon  an  altar  with  a platform  and  roof,  built  upon  six  posts. 
The  platform  consists  of  two  parts,  the  upper,  enclosed  like  a minia- 
ture hut  and  the  lower,  open  like  a porch.  Sometimes  a second  altar 
is  erected  upon  four  posts  and  is  called  “ta  th’  mo.”  Close  by  the 
first  altar  a flaring  basket  (“ta  theh”)  is  set  up,  which  is  made 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


79 


of  splints  woven  through  the  split  end  of  a bamboo,  the  other  end 
of  which  is  planted  in  the  ground,  and  a similar  “ta  theh”  is  placed 
in  front  of  the  altar.  A cup  containing  some  rice  mixed  with  chaff, 
from  which  projects  a little  bambo  branch,  is  put  upon  the  altar. 
The  little  branch  is  a “hto  bo”  or  pole.  Water  is  now  poured  over 
the  offerings,  and  the  cup  of  liquor  brought  from  the  house  is  placed 
at  the  foot  of  the  altar  posts.  Along  the  path  leading  to  the  altar 
sharp  bamboo  spikes  are  set,  following  a custom  said  to  have  been 
handed  down  from  earlier  times,  to  prevent  wild  elephants  from 
disturbing  the  offerings.  When  all  these  preparations  have  been 
completed,  the  spikes  and  the  altar  are  smeared  with  the  blood  of 
a fowl,  and  the  spirits  are  again  addressed: 

“Let  this  cool  you  and  please  you,  0 Lord  of  the  hills,  0 Lord 
of  the  land.  Lord  of  fire.  Lord  of  heat  and  cold.  I am  making 
you  cool  and  comfortable.  Therefore,  moderate  the  heat  of  the  soil 
and  make  the  paddy  good.  Make  the  rice  good.  Do  this  until  the 
field  is  full.” 

If  there  is  a second  altar,  its  posts  are  smeared  with  the  blood 
of  another  fowl,  while  the  suppliant  prays: 

“I  am  offering  you  that  which  is  good,  that  which  is  comfort- 
ing. Therefore  make  the  rice  and  paddy  good,  and  cause  it  to  fill 
the  whole  field.” 

An  offering  of  a live  chicken,  with  its  legs  tied  together,  is 
laid  in  the  basket  near  the  larger  altar,  while  the  following  words 
are  uttered : 

“I  have  prepared  this  for  you.  I am  doing  you  good.  I am 
making  it  comfortable  for  you.  When  the  eagle  flies,  the  crow  is 
afraid.  When  the  laughing-bird  laughs  and  the  barking-deer  barks, 
let  us  not  fear  their  bad  omens.” 

The  suppliant  now  burns  the  feathers  off  of  the  dead  fowls ; 
lays  down  five  yam  leaves ; cuts  bits  of  the  tip  of  the  bill  from  each, 
treating  the  nails  and  extremities  of  the  wings  in  the  same 
way;  carefully  distributes  the  different  clippings  from  each  fowl 
on  each  of  the  leaves,  together  with  a morsel  of  rice  and,  finally, 
disposes  one  of  the  leaves  upon  each  of  the  three  offering-places 
mentioned  above,  besides  one  upon  the  roof  of  the  hut  and  one  upon 
a stump  in  the  field.  Then  he  dips  a cup  of  liquor  and,  holding  it 
aloft,  pours  out  a libation,  saying  as  he  does  so : 

“Come  partake  of  your  liquor  and  your  rice.  Make  the  rice  and 
paddy  better.  May  we  work  and  eat  in  comfort  and  pleasure.  Let 


80 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Off  for  the  Fields  with  Baskets  and  Bags 

The  Karen  always  travel  single-file.  This  picture  shows  four  patterns  of  smocks  trimmed  with  white  seeds. 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


81 


US  not  be  overtaken  by  illness.  May  we  work  until  the  task  is 
finished  and  eat  to  the  end.” 

After  examining  the  bones  of  the  sacrificial  fowls  to  learn  their 
omens,  the  suppliant  and  his  family  cook  and  eat  the  chickens. 
He  then  weaves  a basket  with  large  meshes  and  on  a leaf  laid  in  the 
bottom  places  a black  pepper  and  sprinkles  some  salt.  He  takes  a 
small  branch  from  an  upright-growing  plant  and,  moving  about  in 
the  growing  grain,  strikes  both  the  grain  and  the  basket,  w^hich 
he  is  carrying,  and  recites  this  prayer : 

“O  Guardian  Bird  of  the  field,  do  not  let  anything  eat  the 
paddy  in  the  plot  where  you  watch.  Do  not  let  men  come  in  or  go 
out.  Do  not  permit  any  one  who  may  get  in  to  redeem  himself  with 
money,  but  cause  him  to  expiate  his  transgression  by  increasing 
the  yield  of  grain.” 

Then,  cutting  off  the  head  of  another  fowl,  he  smears  its  blood 
on  the  basket,  which  he  sets  down  in  the  path  near  the  edge  of  the 
field,  and  returns  to  his  house. 

In  many  places  these  rites  are  not  now  so  carefully  observed 
as  the  above  account  implies.  Sometimes  the  larger  altar  is  dis- 
pensed with  altogether,  and  the  offerings  are  placed  upon  the  little 
altar  and  in  the  flaring  baskets.  MTiere  the  elaborate  ceremonial  is 
dying  out,  a single  fowl  may  be  used  in  place  of  several  as  an  obla- 
tion sufficient  to  please  the  spirits  and  secure  a plentiful  harvest. 
In  the  illustration  on  page  74,  from  a photograph  taken  in  the  Pegu 
Yomas,  are  shown  the  various  offerings,  including  the  live  chicken 
that  has  been  left  on  a post  to  die.  The  flaring  baskets  with  the 
other  offerings  are  also  shown.  The  bamboo  reaching  above  the 
other  things  was  set  up  to  mark  the  height  which,  it  was  hoped, 
the  paddy  might  attain. 

Having  sought  the  favor  of  the  unseen  powers  that  preside 
over  the  growing  crop,  the  cultivator  has  soon  to  turn  his  attention 
to  the  numerous  enemies  that  prey  upon  his  field  from  the  neighbor- 
ing jungle.  Elephants,  wild  pigs,  and  a number  of  small  animals, 
including  rats,  eat  the  tender  plants  and  later  feed  on  the  ripen- 
ing grain.  Birds  and  wild  fowl  of  various  kinds  are  also  destructive 
from  the  time  the  grain  is  in  the  milk.  Supplication  to  the  Guardian 
Bird  of  the  field  does  not  relieve  the  rice-grower  from  the  need  of 
fencing  his  plot  with  reeds  and  bamboos,  setting  traps  and  snares, 
and  erecting  scarecrows  and  clappers  to  keep  devouring  creatures 
from  his  grain.  Little  hoeing  is  done,  but  the  Karen  and  his  whole 
family  occupy  themselves  in  watching  the  growing  paddy,  operating 


82 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  clappers,  and  clearing  the  traps.  When  wild  elephants  appear  in 
the  field,  those  on  guard  are  unable  to  do  more  than  produce  affright- 
ing noises  from  a safe  distance,  in  the  hope  that  the  great  animals 
will  be  scared  away  before  they  have  destroyed  the  entire  crop. 

As  soon  as  the  rains  are  over  in  October  the  hill  rice  ripens 
very  quickly,  and  the  harvest-time  is  near.  Among  some  of  the 
people  it  is  the  custom  for  the  eldest  member  of  the  family  to  reap 
a little  of  the  grain  as  the  first  fruit,  as  it  were,  of  the  season’s 
produce.  After  this  has  been  done,  the  whole  family  take  pai't  in 
the  reaping.  (See  page  89.)  The  implement  used  is  a sickle  (“xeh”), 
the  long  handle  of  which  bends  backward  from  the  grip,  the  tool 
as  a whole  having  the  shape  of  the  letter  S.  The  outer  end  of  the 
sickle  extends  under  the  arm  of  the  reaper,  enabling  him  to  cut 
with  greater  ease  than  if  he  depended  only  on  his  wrist  muscles. 
The  grain  is  cut  about  half-way  down  the  stalks  and  is  tied  in  small 
sheaves  no  larger  than  can  be  easily  grasped  with  one  hand.  Even 
though  all  the  paddy  in  the  plot  could  be  cut  in  one  day,  a fraction 
is  left  for  reaping  until  the  next  morning,  in  order  to  have  the  crop 
good  and  make  it  last  longer.  The  sheaves  are  thrown  into  piles, 
and  then  collected  near  the  hut,  where  they  are  beaten  out.  In 
some  places  the  sheaves  are  beaten  over  the  edge  of  a trough  im- 
provised from  half  of  a hollow  log,  and  in  others  they  are  beaten 
over  a horizontal  pole  tied  by  withes  to  two  bamboo  posts,  the  pole 
being  about  three  feet  above  the  ground.  A large  bamboo  mat  is 
spread  down  under  the  pole  or  the  trough,  as  the  case  may  be,  to 
catch  the  grain.  Those  who  engage  in  the  beating  are  careful 
to  tie  up  their  wrists  and  call  in  the  “k’las”  or  wandering  shades. 
They  also  deem  it  necessary  to  complete  the  threshing  before  they 
leave  the  place.  Both  men  and  women  or  either  alone  serve  as 
threshers.  When  the  paddy  has  all  been  beaten  out,  it  is  winnowed 
by  holding  it  aloft  in  a tray  or  basket  and  letting  it  fall,  while  the 
wind  carries  the  chaff  to  one  side  and  the  grain  falls  on  the  mat. 
(See  page  91.)  The  grain  is  now  ready  to  be  stored  in  a bin  built  in 
the  field  or  along  the  path  leading  to  the  village.  In  the  districts 
inhabited  only  by  Karens  these  bins  are  to  be  found  along  the 
jungle  trails  a mile  or  more  from  any  village  or  house.  Stealing  is 
very  uncommon  in  these  regions  and  is  severely  punished  if  de- 
tected.^ In  the  Pegu  Hills  near  the  Burmese  the  same  security 
does  not  exist,  and  the  paddy  is  stored  within  the  village  stockade. 


“ See  pages  27,  149. 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


83 


Plowing  a Paddy-field  in  Lower  Burma 


Women  Transplanting  Paddy 

They  simply  push  the  plants  into  the  soft  mud,  and  they  grow  without  further  attention. 


84 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


The  grain  is  carried  in  baskets  on  the  backs  of  the  beaters  (see 
p.  94)  and  is  poured  slowly  into  the  bin  so  as  not  to  settle  com- 
pactly. Should  a basket  slip  and  fall  into  the  bin  or  its  contents 
be  dashed  in,  a fowl  must  be  killed  and  an  offering  made.  The 
storing  of  grain  must  be  finished  as  speedily  as  possible ; but  if  it 
can  not  be  done  in  one  day,  the  workers  may  rest  over  night. 

The  task  of  storing  finished,  they  bring  an  offering  for  “Hpi  Bi 
Yaw,”  ® consisting  of  a clod  of  earth,  a morsel  of  rice,  and  a small  cup 
of  liquor.  These  are  placed  on  the  paddy  in  the  bin,  and  a prayer 
of  thanksgiving  is  said  to  her.  After  these  ceremonies  the  culti- 
vator feels  at  liberty  to  take  grain  from  his  store  and  carry  it  home 
for  food. 

A small  supply  of  paddy  is  always  put  aside  in  a special  basket 
for  seed,  each  family  preserving  its  own,  which  is  supposed  to  date 
back  to  a time  when  its  forbears  had  an  unusually  good  crop  in  some 
favorable  year.  Only  in  the  last  extremity  will  a Karen  eat  his  seed- 
grain.  There  are  many  varieties  of  rice  having  their  special  names, 
each  cherished  by  particular  localities  and  families.  Hill  rice  is 
greatly  prized  as  being  more  delicious  than  plains  rice. 

The  Karen  raise  different  kinds  of  vegetables  in  their  rice- 
fields,  such  as  certain  varieties  of  gourds,  beans,  yams,  a kind  of 
sweet  potato,  and  peppers  of  various  sorts,  especially  the  red  chili 
so  generally  used  for  condiment.  Cotton  is  also  grown  in  the  fields 
along  with  the  rice,  standing  until  long  after  the  paddy  has  been 
reaped.  The  cotton  is  usually  considered  to  be  the  women’s  crop. 
They  tend  it,  gather  the  bolls,  and  carry  them  home.  The  other 
products  of  the  field  seem  to  belong  to  all  members  of  a family 
alike.  The  tips  of  various  plants  are  used  for  greens.  These  must 
be  plucked  with  the  fingers  and  not  cut  off  with  a sharp  instrument, 
inasmuch  as  the  spirits  dislike  their  being  dissevered  with  a knife. 
A few  plants  of  cockscomb  are  grown  in  the  field,  the  red  variety 
(“hpaw  ghaw”)  being  preferred  to  the  yellow,  because  they  are 
supposed  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  demons  and  prevent  their  harm- 
ing the  crop.  In  the  lower  hills  sesame  is  often  raised  for  its 
seeds,  which  are  threshed  out  and  sold  to  the  Burmese,  who  press 
the  oil  out  of  them.  This  is  serviceable  in  cooking  and  lighting.  It 
is  said  to  be  not  unlike  linseed  oil  in  certain  respects,  but  supplies 
a large  amount  of  the  fats  required  in  curries. 

In  the  Toungoo  and  Shwegyin  Hills  great  quantities  of  betel- 
nuts  are  grown.  These  regions  furnish,  I believe,  the  greater  part 


3 The  divinity  who  presides  over  the  cultivation  of  the  paddy:  see  pr*Ke  226. 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


85 


of  the  supply  of  these  nuts  for  all  Burma.  The  trees  bearing  them 
are  tall  slender  palms  (Areca  Catechu),  which  flourish  in  moist 
mountain  valleys  where  they  are  shaded  by  larger  trees.  The  nuts 
grow  in  clusters  just  below  the  crown  of  leaves.  A tree  may  pro- 
duce as  many  as  four  hundred  nuts  a year,  which  are  sold  in 
baskets  at  three  or  four  rupees  a basket.  There  are  several  gar- 
dens that  number  these  palms  by  the  thousands  and  many  others 
by  the  hundreds. 

Plantain  gardens  are  cultivated  on  the  bottom-lands  near  the 
rivers,  where  there  are  rich  alluvial  deposits.  Plantains  or  bananas, 
of  which  many  varieties  exist,  are  comprised  in  the  genus  Musa. 
The  stem  grows  from  four  to  fifteen  feet  in  height  and  produces 
sprouts,  which  are  set  out  at  the  end  of  the  rainy  season  and  begin 
to  bear  by  the  next  year.  The  new  plants  send  out  sprouts  in  their 
turn,  these  growing  from  the  sides  of  the  herb  and  continuing  its 
life  indefinitely.  Some  varieties  of  the  plantain  in  the  hill-country 
bear  very  delicious  fruit,  which  I have  almost  never  seen  on  the 
plains.  As  far  as  I know  it  is  raised  for  home  consumption,  al- 
though it  may  be  sold  in  a few  cases  to  Burman  and  Shan  traders 
for  a small  price. 

In  the  Toungoo  and  Moulmein  districts  oranges  are  extensively 
grown.  The  groves  are  along  the  well-watered  valleys,  and  the 
fruit  is  ripe  in  late  September  and  in  October.  Nothing  has  been 
done,  so  far  as  I am  aware,  to  improve  the  varieties,  but  a ready 
market  is  open  to  the  fruit  produced.  The  Karens  bring  the  supply 
down  to  Toungoo  in  dugouts,  and  sell  it  to  traders  on  the  river 
bank  at  prices  varying  from  one  to  three  or  four  rupees  per  hun- 
dred, according  to  the  size  and  quality  of  the  fruit. 

A few  years  ago  coffee  was  widely  planted  in  the  Toungoo  dis- 
trict; but  a blight  ruined  the  greater  part  of  the  groves,  and  the 
industry  ceased  to  develop.  A little  is  still  raised  here  and  there, 
but  it  is  of  an  inferior  grade. 

Tobacco  is  grown  along  the  sandy  banks  of  the  rivers,  not  in 
large  quantities  but  sufficient  for  home  consumption  and  petty 
trading.  It  is  cured  in  the  most  primitive  way  and  consumed  in 
many  forms. 

I have  been  informed  that  in  the  early  days  the  Karen  trained 
the  vines  of  the  betel  leaf  creeper  (Piper  Betel)  to  run  up  a cer- 
tain kind  of  rough-barked  tree,  which  a few  vines  would  completely 
cover  with  their  glossy  green  foliage,  supplying  a large  crop  of 
leaves  and  thereby  a considerable  income  for  the  possessor  of  such 


86 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


a vine-clad  tree,  which  was  called  “pu  la.”  Wanderers  of  other 
nationalities,  happening  to  discover  such  trees,  dispoiled  them  of 
their  treasure  by  cutting  the  vines.  Thus,  but  very  few  “pu  la” 
remain. 

Dr.  Mason  tells  us  that  “Karen  boys  and  maidens  engaged  in 
harvesting  these  leaves  with  great  zest  and  it  was  not  uncommon 
for  young  men,  in  seeking  companions  to  inquire  who  were  the 
most  agile  climbers  of  ‘pu  la’  or  betel  leaf  trees.”  * 

The  Karen  in  Toungoo  have  always  raised  more  or  less  silk 
and  woven  the  material  for  their  best  garments  from  it.  The  silk- 
worms are  of  a native  variety  and  spin  a thread  far  inferior  to  that 
of  improved  species.  Not  many  years  ago  the  attempt  was  made 
to  introduce  a worm  of  larger  size,  but  it  met  with  ill  success,  be- 
cause the  creature  made  a peculiar  creaking  sound  in  chewing  the 
leaves  of  the  mulberry  tree.  The  superstitious  people  thought  the 
new  worms  were  possessed  of  some  strange  demon  and  killed 
them,  in  order  to  ward  off  an  unknown  danger. 

Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Karenni  gather  stick-lac,  which  is 
the  deposit  of  an  insect  on  certain  trees  found  in  the  jungle.  They 
also  increase  the  supply  by  attaching  the  insects  to  other  trees. 
The  deposit  is  used  extensively  in  making  red  dyes  ® and  is  market- 
ed in  Toungoo  on  the  twigs  to  which  it  is  attached. 

The  Karen  is  skilled  in  all  jungle-craft.  He  knows  the  woods 
and  what  may  be  found  there.  He  has  learned,  among  other  things, 
that  bees  establish  their  hives  high  up  in  the  branches  of  the  oil- 
tree  (Dipterocarpus  lociis).  When  he  finds  a new  hive  he  marks 
the  tree  by  putting  a tuft  of  grass  at  its  foot.  Others  will  recog- 
nize the  mark  and  respect  his  claim.  To  climb  the  fifty  or  seventy- 
five  feet  to  the  lower  branches  of  these  giant  trees  is  no  easy  task. 
However,  it  is  accomplished  by  means  of  pegs  driven  into  the  trunk 
and  a rope  encircling  it.  Often  a honey-gatherer  makes  his  ascent 
at  night,  lest  he  grow  dizzy  in  looking  down  from  such  a height. 
Once  at  the  hive,  he  smokes  the  bees  out  with  a smudge  and  collects 
the  honey  into  joints  of  large  bamboo.  The  Karen  villagers  in  the 
vicinity  of  Thandaung  used  to  be  called  “Wild  Bees”  by  the  Bur- 
mans  of  Toungoo,  on  account  of  the  supplies  of  honey  which  they 
brought  in  from  their  hills. 

Besides  the  pursuits  already  mentioned,  the  Karen  of  the  hills 
sometimes  engage  in  other  occupations,  such  as  transporting  pro- 


* British  Burma,  Its  People  and  Productions,  p.  495. 
® See  page  110. 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


87 


duce  and  luggage  from  the  town  into  the  hill-country  or  to  trading 
centers.  They  cover  long  distances,  and  before  the  recent  war  they 
received  about  eight  annas  (about  twenty-four  cents)  a day  for 
such  work.  In  a few  villages  they  raise  oxen,  which  they  train  as 
pack-animals  to  carry  grain  and  other  produce  of  the  hills  to  Toun- 
goo  or  other  markets.  With  two  baskets  slung  on  either  side  of  a 
rough  pack-saddle,  these  oxen  can  carry  not  more  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  or  two  hundred  pounds  each. 

Karen  men  are  experts  at  catching  and  training  elephants  and 
often  become  most  excellent  drivers  for  these  intelligent  beasts. 
Several  travelers  testify  that  Karen  drivers  seemed  to  be  more 
gentle  with,  and  careful  of,  their  elephants  than  Burman  drivers 
and  acknowledge  the  pleasure  which  they  derived  from  seeing  the 
Karens  handle  their  charges.  Owners  of  elephants  are  usually 
employed  by  the  Government  Forest  Department  to  draw  logs  out 
of  the  jungle  to  the  streams,  by  the  current  of  which  they  are 
floated  down  during  the  rainy  season.  This  is  a lucrative  business, 
but  the  risk  involved  is  large,  because  the  elephants  often  sicken 
and  need  attention  to  restore  them  to  working  condition. 

In  some  localities  forest  officers  have  employed  Karens  living 
in  the  hills  to  tend  the  adjacent  forest  reserves.  But  the  Karen  has 
a distaste  for  steady  work  under  supervision,  especially  if  the  im- 
mediate overseer  is  a Burman.  The  latter  usually  does  not  hesitate 
to  exhibit  his  feeling  of  superiority  and  to  appropriate  an  undue 
share  of  the  rewards.  Only  in  a few  instances  have  I known  satis- 
factory results  to  be  obtained  through  such  an  arrangement;  but 
the  few  officers  who  did  secure  satisfactory  results  had  a good  word 
to  speak  for  the  Karen. 


On  THE  Plains 

The  Karen  on  the  plains  in  Burma  practice  methods  of  culti- 
vation like  those  of  the  Burmese,  which  have  often  been  described. 
When  the  rainy  season  is  about  to  begin  in  May  the  cultivator,  if 
his  land  is  at  a distance  from  the  village,  carries  thither  a few 
bamboos  and  some  thatch  and  builds  a hut  in  his  field.  Here  he 
lives  during  the  cultivating  season.  The  rains  having  softened  the 
hard  clay  soil,  he  may  resort  to  the  very  primitive  practice  of  driv- 
ing a few  cattle  or  buffaloes  around  over  a muddy  place  until  they 
cut  the  ground  with  their  sharp  hoofs  and  thus  prepare  it,  after  a 
fashion,  to  receive  the  seedlings.  Or  he  may  use  the  method  of 


88 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


scratching  the  ground  with  a primitive  wooden  plow,  called  a 
“hteh.”  During  recent  years,  however,  iron  points  have  been  im- 
ported which  make  these  implements  more  effective.  If  there  is 
considerable  water,  he  has  still  a third  alternative,  namely,  to  use 
a kind  of  rough  harrow,  named  a “hto  tu.”  (See  page  83.) 

Previously,  and  as  early  as  possible,  the  cultivator  has  prepared 
a small  plot  in  which  he  has  sown  his  paddy  seed.  When  the  plants 
have  reached  about  a cubit’s  height,  they  are  pulled  up,  tied  in 
sheaves,  and  carried  to  the  water-soaked  field  to  be  set  out.  This 
work  is  done  either  by  the  members  of  the  family  or  by  women 
hired  for  the  purpose.  It  requires  about  five  persons  to  transplant 
an  acre  in  a day,  their  compensation  being  approximately  eight 
annas  a day  each.  The  process  of  transplanting  consists  merely 
in  sticking  the  plants  into  the  mud,  usually  by  hand  but  some- 
times with  a forked  stick.  (See  illustration  on  page  83.) 

After  this  has  been  completed,  little  remains  but  to  regulate 
the  quantity  of  water  on  the  fields  by  opening  or  closing  the  small 
dikes  enclosing  the  plots.  Later,  when  the  grain  is  in  the  milk, 
birds  are  often  rapacious,  and  I have  seen  Karens  scaring  them  off 
their  fields  with  a kind  of  slingshot.  With  this  device  they  thi’ow 
mud  balls  (“naw  blii  tha”)  from  which  a stalk  of  grass  trails,  flut- 
tering and  whirring  as  it  flies,  to  the  confusion  of  a flock  of  sparrows 
or  weaver-birds.  Larger  balls,  moulded  and  dried  beforehand,  have 
a hole  through  the  middle.  The  air  whistles  through  this  when  the 
ball  is  in  swift  motion,  and  big  flocks  of  birds  are  badly  scared  by  it. 
The  slingshot,  with  which  these  two  sorts  of  missiles  are  cast,  con- 
sists of  a bamboo  of  four  or  five  feet  in  length  with  a rope  attached, 
the  missile  being  hurled  from  the  end  of  the  rope.  It  flies  with 
amazing  swiftness  and  to  a great  distance. 

In  October  the  rainy  season  is  at  an  end,  the  ground  begins  to 
dry,  the  paddy  turns  a golden  yellow  or,  as  the  Karen  say,  “becomes 
red,”  and  by  the  first  of  December  is  about  ready  to  be  reaped.  If 
it  is  not  already  leaning  over,  a man  walks  through  it  with  a long 
heavy  bamboo  and  pushes  the  stalks  all  in  one  direction  to  an  angle 
of  about  forty-five  degrees,  so  that  it  will  be  easier  to  cut.  (See  p. 
89.)  With  sickles  like  those  used  in  the  hills,  the  members  of 
the  family  reap  in  the  direction  in  which  the  stalks  are  bent  and 
bind  the  grain  in  sheaves  about  a foot  in  diameter.  The  average 
reaper  will  cut  one  hundred  and  fifty  sheaves  a day,  but  the  best 
workers  have  a record  of  two  hundred  and  fifty.  Nowadays  the 
sheaves  are  usually  collected  on  the  same  day  they  are  cut,  and 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


89 


Reaping  Paddy  With  Sickles 


A Threshing-floor  on  the  Plains 
Oxen  and  buffaloes  treading  out  the  grain 


90 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


carried  to  the  threshing-floor,  which  is  near  the  hut  or,  in  the  case 
of  the  fields  lying  near  the  village,  is  just  outside  the  village  gate. 
If  they  should  be  left  in  the  field,  they  might  not  be  there  next 
morning.  The  pile  of  sheaves  is  always  guarded,  some  of  the  men 
spending  the  night  on  it.  They  also  take  the  precaution  to  hang  up 
a gourd  with  a hole  in  it  which,  with  a breeze  blowing,  emits  sounds 
like  mumbled  voices. 

The  threshing-floor  is  a plot  of  ground  perhaps  a hundred  feet 
square,  or  larger  in  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  grain  to  be  trod- 
den out,  which  has  been  packed  hard  and  flat  by  leading  cattle 
around  on  it,  or  by  using  a cart  or  a drag  for  the  purpose.  (See  p. 
89.)  A smoother  surface  is  secured,  not  unlike  that  of  a dirt  tennis- 
court,  by  covering  the  floor  with  a coating  of  cow-dung.  The  name 
applied  to  the  threshing-floor  is  “flaw,”  which  is  a corruption  of  the 
Burmese  word  “talin.”  The  paddy  sheaves  are  piled  up  in  tiers 
around  the  “flaw”  so  as  to  shed  water,  should  untimely  showers 
fall  before  they  are  trodden  out.  For  the  threshing,  however,  the 
sheaves  are  distributed  evenly  over  the  floor  to  a depth  of  two  feet 
with  the  heads  of  the  grain  on  top.  Banks  of  sheaves  support  the 
sides  of  the  layers.  The  process  of  separating  the  grain  from  the 
heads  is  a tedious  one.  From  two  to  a dozen  cattle  are  tied  together, 
and  a boy  or  girl  or,  if  neither  of  these  is  at  hand,  a woman  takes 
the  nose  rope  of  the  animal  nearest  him  and  stands  in  the  center  of 
the  floor.  The  threshing  often  begins  soon  after  midnight  and  con- 
tinues until  sunrise,  the  cattle  being  constantly  prodded  on  their 
apparently  endless  round.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  tiresome  task 
the  other  members  of  the  family  appear,  remove  the  bulk  of  the 
straw,  sweep  up  the  smaller  fragments,  and  begin  to  winnow  the 
grain.  This  is  accomplished  either  by  holding  it  aloft  in  a 
basket  and  letting  the  wind  blow  off  the  chaff  as  it  falls,  or  by  pour- 
ing the  grain  and  chaff  from  a platform  four  or  five  feet  into  a 
loosely-woven  tray  swung  from  a ti’ipod  of  bamboos.  To  insure  that 
all  the  chaff  and  dust  are  driven  off,  men  and  women  fan  the  grain 
with  closely-woven  trays  as  it  falls  upon  the  pile.  (See  p.  91.) 
The  winnowing  process  being  finished,  an  offering  for  “Hpi  Bi 
Yaw”  ® (the  Karen  Ceres)  is  placed  on  the  apex  of  the  pile.  Lest 
any  one  should  try  to  help  himself  to  the  grain,  little  tufts  of  char- 
red straw  are  put  at  close  intervals  around  the  pile,  after  which 
those  who  have  been  doing  all  this  dusty  work  unwrap  their  heads, 
repair  to  the  village  well  or  tank  and  indulge  in  a refreshing  bath. 

8 See  pp.  84.  93.  226 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


91 


Winnowing  Paddy 

The  grain  is  poured  through  a sieve  in  order  to  scatter  it  as  it  falls,  so  the 
wind  can  blow  off  the  chaff  more  easily. 


Fanning  the  Paddy 

The  man  on  the  top  of  the  pile  throws  a trayful  of  sweepings  from  the 
threshing  floor  into  the  air  and  those  below  fan  it  as  it  falls  and  thus 
drive  away  all  the  chaff. 


92 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


In  these  days  it  is  the  usual  practice  to  sell  the  grain  to  the 
traders  directly  from  the  threshing-floor.  Sometimes  it  is  stored 
for  a few  months  in  the  hope  of  an  advance  in  price,  but  most  of  the 
smaller  cultivators  are  compelled  by  their  poverty  to  sell  at  once. 
The  buyers  may  be  Burmans,  but  in  these  later  years  are  more 
often  Chinese.  A few  Karens  have  done  some  trading  in  paddy, 
although  they  are  generally  not  so  successful  as  the  traders  of  the 
other  nationalities. 

The  grain  kept  for  family  use  is  stored  in  bins  of  bamboo  made 
in  the  shape  of  great  baskets  or  “weh.”  These  “weh”  vary  in  size 
from  those  having  double  the  diameter  of  a bushel-basket  up  to  the 
huge  ones  of  ten  or  twelve  feet  in  diameter  and  of  equal  height. 
They  are  set  upon  platforms  several  feet  above  the  ground  and 
adjoining  or  close  to  the  house.  The  planks  forming  the  bottom 
are  firmly  secured  together  and  coated  with  cow-dung.  After  a bin 
has  been  filled,  the  top  is  covered  with  a layer  of  straw,  well  packed 
in,  and  a thick  coating  of  cow-dung  is  spread  over  it  to  seal  the 
grain. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  in  this  work  to  enter  into  a detailed  eco- 
nomic study  of  Karen  agriculture.  Here  I have  but  a few  observa- 
tions to  offer.  Under  the  conditions  obtaining  just  before  the  World 
War,  the  economic  outlook  for  the  Karen  cultivator  was  none  too 
good.  The  Karen  people  are  no  more  provident  than  the  Burmese. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  season  they  borrow  money,  for  which  they 
must  pay  one  hundred  baskets  of  paddy  for  fifty  rupees  of  money. 
If  they  have  no  oxen  of  buffaloes  of  their  own  they  must  hire  them, 
paying  from  fifty  to  sixty  rupees  a yoke  for  the  former  and  ten 
rupees  additional  each  for  the  latter.  To  hire  a man  to  work  in  the 
rainy  season  and  to  plow  costs  about  the  same  as  paying  for  the 
use  of  a team  of  oxen.  If  he  is  employed  until  the  threshing  is 
finished,  he  costs  another  fifty  rupees.  The  yield  per  acre  varies 
all  the  way  from  twenty-five  to  seventy  baskets,  according  to  the 
quality  of  the  land  and  whether  a little  manure  has  been  used  or 
not.  For  many  years  the  price  of  paddy  remained  close  to  one 
hundred  rupees  for  one  hundred  baskets,  being  sometimes  a little 
below  and  at  others  a few  rupees  above  that  price.  Before  the 
war  competition  and  speculation  had  forced  the  price  up  gradually, 
until  it  reached  a maximum  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  rupees. 

" The  size  of  baskets  varies  in  different  districts,  ranging  in  capacity  from  forty  to  sixty 
pounds.  Those  having  a capacity  of  forty-six  pounds  are  now  considered  to  be  of  standard 
size.  As  the  price  varies  inversely  with  the  size,  the  result  is  about  the  same. 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS  93 

No  one  can  presume  to  predict  the  outcome  of  the  present  unset- 
tled conditions.  We  can  only  hope  that  better  days  are  in  store  for 
the  cultivators,  whether  Burman  or  Karen. 

If,  before  the  war,  a man  owned  his  field  and  cattle  without 
encumberance  or  other  debts,  he  could  till  some  twenty  acres  and 
make  a comfortable  living  for  himself  and  family.  If,  however,  he 
was  under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  money  and  hiring  men  and 
cattle,  he  could  hardly  keep  his  head  above  water. 

There  are  some  Karens  who  own  large  fields.  They  may  have 
acquired  them  by  careful  management,  by  purchase,  or  by  fore- 
closing loans.  Many  of  these  proprietors  make  a business  of 
hiring  out  their  fields  to  men  who  cultivate  them  at  a rental  of  from 
ten  to  fifteen  baskets  of  paddy  per  acre,  the  cultivator  supplying 
his  own  materials  and  help.  In  case  the  owner  has  oxen,  he  rents 
them  at  the  usual  price.  In  addition,  he  usually  makes  a loan  of 
cash  to  his  tenant,  on  which  he  gets  a big  return,  namely,  a hundred 
baskets  of  paddy  for  the  sum  of  fifty  rupees  for  six  months.  If  the 
tenant  borrows  from  a money-lender,  he  has  to  pay  anywhere  from 
fifteen  to  fifty  percent  a year  for  it. 

On  the  plains  the  cultivator  is  almost  entirely  dependent  on  his 
single  crop  of  paddy.  If  high  water  has  washed  out  his  first  set- 
tings, there  is  not  time  enough  left  to  raise  other  produce  after 
the  water  has  disappeared.  Under  these  circumstances  they  some- 
times plant  sesame,  but  it  requires  only  a little  less  time  to  ma- 
ture than  paddy.  The  lack  of  water  in  the  dry  season  renders 
cultivation  impossible  without  extensive  irrigation. 

Along  the  river-bottoms  may  be  found  a few  plantain  groves, 
patches  of  tobacco,  sugar-cane,  or  vegetables ; but  these  are  unusual 
sights.  They  may  add  a little  to  the  cultivator’s  income.  But  very 
few  persons  derive  their  chief  support  from  such  gardens. 

The  Karen  on  the  plains  do  not  observe  the  old  religious  cus- 
toms of  the  hill  people.  Many  times  they  resort  to  Burmese  sooth- 
sayers to  prognosticate  the  proper  times  for  planting,  reaping,  and 
other  tasks.  Not  a few,  however,  follow  the  old  ceremonies  in 
greater  or  less  part.  A ceremonial  similar  to  “theh  a hkii”  in  the 
hills  ® is  observed  on  the  plains  where  it  is  designated  “mo  a si.” 
It  is  performed  when  the  paddy  is  set  out.  Offerings  are  seldom 
seen  along  the  paths  in  this  region,  but  when  the  paddy  has  been 
winnowed  an  offering  is  made  to  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw”  by  transferring  the 
rim  of  earth  around  a crab’s  burrow  to  the  summit  of  the  pile  of 


® See  ay^te,  pp.  78,  79. 


94 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Karen  Houses  on  the  Plains 


AGRICULTURAL  PURSUITS  AND  OTHER  OCCUPATIONS 


95 


paddy.  A few  paddy  heads  or  even  a few  leaves  of  the  ginger  plant 
may  be  inserted  in  the  burrow  as  a talisman  to  make  the  supply  of 
paddy  last  the  year  out.  The  oblation  on  the  threshing-floor  or  a 
similar  one  is  then  put  on  top  of  the  paddy  in  the  bin. 

The  Karen  who  is  untouched  by  outside  influence  does  not  like 
to  take  up  any  other  occupation  than  that  of  raising  paddy.  He 
regards  his  other  pursuits  as  occasional  and  accessory,  including  the 
gathering  of  forest  products,  such  as  stick-lac  and  wild  honey  and 
the  sale  of  fruit  from  the  few  mango  trees  he  may  possess.  He  has 
not  been  found  satisfactory  as  a day-laborer  or  coolie  for  any  con- 
tinued work ; he  avoids  hiring  out  as  a cartman  and  does  not  suc- 
ceed as  a petty  trader.  In  more  extensive  business  he  has  achieved 
success  in  only  a few  instances.  With  the  advantages  of  education, 
however,  a few  have  prospered  in  commercial  life  and  other  callings. 
Many  have  entered  Government  service  and  risen  to  positions  of 
trust.  A large  percentage  of  those  who  have  passed  through  the 
schools  are  clerks  and  teachers.  One  of  the  largest  department 
stores  in  Rangoon  employs  Karen  clerks  with  satisfaction,  besides 
Europeans.  Educated  Karen  girls  take  employment  as  teachers 
and  nurse-maids,  and  recently  a few  have  been  engaging  in  clerical 
work. 


Turning  the  Buffaloes  Out  to  Graze 

These  heavy  animals  are  easily  managed  by  Karen  children,  but  are  easily 
frightened  by  the  presence  of  strangers. 


CHAPTER  XI 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 

There  is  nothing  in  which  a Karen  delights  so  much  as  to 
hunt,  unless  it  be  the  gastronomic  pleasures  that  follow  a success- 
ful chase.  Schoolboys  spend  their  Saturdays  in  the  jungle  with  their 
slingshots  and  blowpipes.  Teachers  and  clerks  spend  their  holidays 
in  the  same  way.  The  villager  may  go  by  himself  to  stalk  deer  or 
shoot  birds  and  other  game  along  the  runways ; but  the  sport  that 
he  enjoys  most  is  the  drive  for  game,  which  is  abundant  in  the 
hills  of  Burma,  participated  in  by  all  the  men  of  the  village  armed 
with  their  weapons  and  nets.  A promising  place  is  chosen,  such  as 
the  open  end  of  a ravine,  where  some  of  the  hunters  stretch  and 
make  fast  their  nets  and  retire  into  an  ambush  near  at  hand. 
The  others  of  the  party  go  to  the  far  end  of  the  area  included  in  the 
drive  and  begin  to  beat  the  bushes  with  their  spears  and  knives, 
while  shouting  and  making  a great  noise  generally.  The  game  is 
thus  driven  from  cover  to  the  nets,  where  it  usually  gets  entangled 
and  is  soon  dispatched  by  the  spears  and  crossbows  of  the  men 
waiting  there.  Nearly  all  kinds  of  game  are  caught  in  this  manner, 
from  rabbits  to  tigers  and  elephants.  Pigs  and  deer  are,  however, 
most  commonly  hunted  in  this  way.  This  is  men’s  sport,  and  the 
women  never  take  part  in  it,  so  far  as  I know.  The  game  is  di- 
vided among  the  hunters,  each  sharing  more  or  less  equally.  If 
any  parts  of  a carcass  are  supposed  to  possess  medicinal  value, 
they  are  appropriated  by  the  one  who  killed  the  animal  and  dis- 
tributed by  him  as  he  thinks  best. 

Besides  the  ordinary  weapons  used  in  warfare  and  described 
in  the  chapter  dealing  with  that  subject,  the  Karen  employ  in  the 
chase  the  blow-gun,  the  crossbow,  the  bow,  and  the  spear.  The 
blow-gun  is  similar  to  that  used  in  Malaysia,  Borneo,  and  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  but  is  not  decorated  as  are  those  of  the  Malay  tribes. 
The  implement  consists  of  a ten  or  twelve-foot  length  of  a slim  va- 
riety of  bamboo,  the  tube  or  bore  of  which  is  the  size  of  a small 
pencil.  The  length  is  first  straightened  by  being  hung  from  a tree 
with  a weight  of  stones  or  logs  to  the  bottom  end.  The  transverse 


96 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 


97 


membranes  at  the  joints  are  then  drilled  out  with  a sharp  stick  of 
hard  wood,  and  small  arrows  are  shaped  and  smoothed  to  fit  ac- 
curately the  bore  of  the  blow-gun,  the  rear  end  of  each  arrow  being 
tufted  with  a circle  of  feathers.  A quick  expulsion  of  the  breath 
agamst  one  of  these  missiles  inserted  in  the  long  tube  drives  it  with 
sufficient  force  to  kill  small  birds  and  game  at  a distance  of  a few 
yards.  To  use  the  implement  effectively  one  must  be  able  to  stalk 
the  game  noiselessly  and  to  bring  the  weapon  to  bear  on  it  una- 
wares. This  gun  may  have  been  copied  from  Burman  guns,  for  I 
do  not  find  it  in  the  hills. ^ The  Karen  hunters  do  not  seem  to  be 
as  skilful  in  its  use  as  are  the  tribesmen  of  the  Philippines,  Borneo, 
and  the  Malay  States. 

The  crossbow  (“hkli”)  is  one  of  the  favorite  implements  for 
hunting  among  the  Karen,  but  never  seems  to  have  found  favor 
with  them  as  a fighting  weapon.® 

The  stock  is  made  of  some  firm  wood  and  has  a small  handle, 
like  that  of  a cheek-gun.^  Its  entire  length  is  not  more  than  three 
feet.  The  bow  is  shaped  out  of  cutch  wood  (“nya”),  which  is  very 
tough  and  resilient.  It  varies  in  length,  but  is  usually  about  four 
feet.  The  string  is  twisted  fibre,  generally  that  of  the  roselle  plant 
(Hibiscus  sabdariffa) . The  bow  is  so  strong  that  sometimes  it 
takes  two  men  to  bend  it,  the  string  being  held  back  by  a rough 
trigger.  The  arrows  consist  of  straight  pieces  of  bamboo  sharpened 
and  slightly  charred  in  the  fire  at  one  end  to  harden  them,  while 
they  are  tufted  with  feathers  or  fitted  with  a slip  of  dry  palm  or 
plantain  leaf  at  the  other  end,  which  is  bound  around  with  string. 
Sometimes  the  arrow  tips  are  barbed  or  supplied  with  flat  iron 
points,  and  sometimes  they  are  smeared  with  a thick  gum  taken  from 
the  Upas  tree  (Antiaris  ovalfloria) , which  is  indigenous  to  Burma. 
This  species  of  tree  is  similar  to  that  from  which  the  Malay  and 
Borneo  tribes  obtain  poison  for  their  arrows.  The  milky  juice  ex- 
udes from  incisions  made  in  the  bark  of  the  tree  and  drys  into  a 
dark  viscous  gum,  which  is  very  bitter.  This  poison  is  supposed 
to  be  more  virulent  if  gathered  at  certain  times  of  the  year.  After 
being  smeared  with  the  poisonous  substance,  the  arrow-tip  is  al- 

1 For  a discussion  of  the  blow-gun,  see  Skeat  and  Blagden,  Pagan  Races  of  the  Malay 
Peninsula,  Vol.  I,  254-257. 

^ The  crossbow  is  found  all  over  Yunnan  among  the  Lisu  and  the  Lolo.  It  is  used  in 
China,  having  been  evidently  adopted  from  the  Lolo,  as  its  name  there  indicates.  It  is  not  seen 
in  Tibet,  or  is  it  used  by  the  Burmese  or  by  the  Malay  tribes,  except  as  a toy  by  the  children 
in  Borneo:  Hose  and  MacDougall,  The  Pagan  Races  of  Borneo,  Vol.  I,  46.  The  crossbow  does 
not  seem  to  be  found  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

^ See  p.  158. 


98 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


lowed  to  dry  for  a short  time;  but  if  kept  too  long  it  loses  its 
noxious  quality. 

The  crossbow  will  send  an  arrow  thirty  or  forty  yards  with 
considerable  accuracy.  Those  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  weapon  can 
shoot  to  a greater  range.  The  arrow  will  pierce  the  body  of  a man 
or  a tiger  and  sometimes  protrude  on  the  other  side.  When 
wounded  by  a poisoned  dart  the  Bwe  may  bind  up  the  wound  with 
the  juice  from  young  bamboo  shoots,  but  he  immediately  tries  to 
obtain  what  he  considers  a good  antidote,  namely,  the  hog-plum 
(Spondius  mangifera) , which  he  eats  either  dry  or  green.  Failing 
to  find  this  remedy,  he  resorts  to  alum.  The  Paku  tribesmen  eat  a 
little  of  the  poisonous  gum  itself,  thus  producing  vomiting,  which 
seems  to  counteract  the  effect  of  the  poison  in  the  wound.  They 
sometimes  apply  alum  to  the  injured  part  and  bind  it  up.  The  Bur- 
mese, who  greatly  fear  the  consequences  of  being  infected  with  the 
poison,  poultice  the  wound  with  white  sweet  potato,  which  they 
chew  into  a paste  for  the  purpose.* 

The  Karen  have  a kind  of  bow  that  resembles  in  general  the 
long  bow  used  in  the  English  Army  back  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. It  is  called  “hki  p’  ti”  and  is  fashioned  of  bamboo  with  elas- 
tic ends,  being  fitted  with  two  parallel  strings  held  an  inch  apart 
by  little  struts  of  bamboo.  A tiny  mat  is  plaited  between  the 
strings  at  the  center  to  hold  the  pebbles  or  mud  balls  that  are  used 
instead  of  arrows.  A block  of  hard  wood,  some  four  inches  long  and 
an  inch  and  a half  wide,  is  lashed  to  the  middle  of  the  bow.  This 
serves  as  a handle  by  which  a twisting  motion  is  imparted  to  the 
bow  when  it  is  sprung,  thus  enabling  the  ball  or  pebble  to  pass  to 
one  side  of  the  bow-shaft.  This  weapon  is  much  used  by  children 
in  shooting  birds  and  small  animals. 

The  trap  is  one  of  several  automatic  contrivances  which  the 
Karen  fashion  and  leave  in  places  frequented  by  birds  or  animals 
for  their  capture.  Besides  the  spring  trap,  there  are  the  box  trap 
and  the  pitfall.  As  the  name  of  the  last  contrivance  suggests,  the 
pitfall  is  a large  hole  that  has  been  dug  deep  enough  to  prevent  an 
animal  from  jumping  out,  once  it  has  fallen  in.  All  traces  of  the 
digging  are  obliterated,  and  the  top  is  covered  with  branches  and 

^ Cf.  Mason,  British  Burma,  489.  For  an  account  of  the  poison  made  in  Borneo  from  the 
Ipoh  (Antiaris  toxicaria)  see  Hose  and  MacDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Boryieo,  Vol.  I,  218.  Skeat 
and  Blagdon,  in  Vagan  Tribes  of  the  Malay  Peninsula,  Vol.  I,  Chap.  VI,  pp.  242,  ff.,  give  an 
account  of  the  preparation  of  poisons  employed  by  the  various  tribes  of  that  country.  But  a map 
of  the  area  in  which  the  poisons  are  used  does  not  include  Burma,  probably  because  their  use 
among  the  Karen  was  unknown  to  the  writers. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 


99 


twigs  and  then  disguised  with  leaves.  The  unsuspecting  animal, 
going  in  search  of  water,  steps  on  the  insecure  footing  and  falls 
through.  As  its  efforts  to  escape  are  unavailing,  it  is  soon  found 
and  dispatched  by  the  spears  and  arrows  of  the  hunters. 

The  box  trap  is  a rude  box-like  structure  varying  in  size  from 
those  built  to  catch  rats  to  one,  which  I saw,  designed  to  put  an  end 
to  the  prowlings  of  a tiger.  They  are  laid  up  like  a miniature  log 
cabin,  with  an  opening  either  at  one  end  or  on  top.  A dog  or  some 
other  live  bait  is  tied  inside  of  the  larger  traps,  and  when  the  wild 
animal  jumps  in  to  seize  the  decoy,  he  must  needs  touch  the  string 
attached  to  the  trigger  that  supports  a trap-door  weighted  with 
stones  or  logs.  The  door  is  thus  released,  falls,  and  closes  the  open- 
ing. Oftener  the  door  of  such  a trap  is  made  from  a tree  with  thorny 
bark,  and  the  game  only  wounds  itself  by  struggling  to  get  out. 
There  is  usually  little  chance  to  escape  for  an  animal  caught  in 
one  of  these  traps.®  (See  lower  illustration  on  page  100.) 

The  spring  trap,  commonly  called  in  Karen  “wa  hkaw,”  ® is 
built  across  an  opening  in  a game-run  or  in  a fence  around  a paddy- 
field.  It  is  fitted  with  a single  spear.  The  name  “men”  is  applied 
to  a larger  trap  of  this  kind,  which  has  a row  of  bamboo  spears. 
A description  of  the  former  will  suffice  to  show  the  plan  and  oper- 
ation of  the  trap,  which,  we  will  assume,  is  built  across  a game- 
run.  At  some  spot  in  the  jungle,  where  the  runway  can  be  narrowed 
to  a mere  opening  by  driving  a few  bamboos  into  the  ground  on 
either  side,  the  spring  trap  is  set  up.  It  consists  of  a bamboo  spear 
some  five  feet  long  projecting  horizontally  through  a hole  in  a 
bamboo  post,  its  point  but  a few  inches  from  the  opening  through 
which  the  animal  must  pass.  The  shaft  of  the  spear  reaches  back 
several  feet  to  the  end  of  a stiff  bamboo  pole,  also  in  horizontal  po- 
sition and  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the  spear.  The  function  of  this 
pole,  which  is  rigidly  fastened  to  a tree  or  heavy  post  at  its  butt 
end.  is  to  thrust  the  spear  forward  at  the  right  moment.  The  free 
end  of  the  pole  moves  along  a horizontal  rack  or  bar  and,  when 
pulled  back,  is  held  by  a catch.  A stout  string  fastened  to  this 
catch  is  stretched  across  the  opening  in  such  a way  that  the  animal 

5 The  similarity  of  these  traps  to  those  of  Malaysia  and  Borneo  is  striking : see  Hose 

and  MacDougall,  The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  I,  145,  ff ; Skeat  and  Blagdon,  Pagan  Races  of 
the  Malay  Peninsula,  Vol.  I,  206,  ff. 

® The  name  “wa  hkaw’*  is  taken  from  the  spear  that  forms  an  essential  feature  of  this 
kind  of  trap.  The  head  of  the  spear  is  of  bamboo,  being  cut  from  the  side  of  a large  piece. 
The  hard  silicious  skin  of  the  bamboo  is  left  on  to  form  the  cutting  edges  of  the  spear.  The 
Karen  have  different  names  for  different  sizes  of  these  traps,  which  are  set  for  smaller  or 
larger  game  from  wildcats  to  tigers. 


100 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Setting  a Si’king  Trap  (“\va  hkaw”),  Pegu  Hills 
This  trap  was  set  to  catch  a barkingr-deer. 


A Box  Trap  for  Catching  Birds 

The  watcher  hides  in  the  pile  of  straw  seen  at  the  right  and  pulls  the 
string  to  drop  the  lid.  One  hundred  and  seventy-six  parroquets  were 
caught  at  one  drop  in  this  trap.  A trough  used  for  beating  out  grain 
stands  nearby. 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 


101 


emerging  will  run  into  the  string,  lift  the  catch,  and  thereby  re- 
ceive the  thrust  of  the  spear  in  its  body.  (See  page  100.) 

Small  animals,  such  as  squirrels  and  rats,  are  killed  by  means 
of  a heavy  pole,  one  end  of  which  is  propped  up  from  the  ground 
just  inside  a tight  fence  enclosing  or  partly  enclosing  a field. 
Lengths  of  large  bamboo  lead  the  rodents  through  holes  in  the 
fence,  and  as  they  emerge  on  the  inside  they  have  to  push  by  a 
string  which  releases  the  little  prop  under  the  log.  Such  traps  are 
called  “tu.” 

A small  trap  for  catching  rats  consists  of  a joint  of  large 
bamboo  fitted  with  a trigger  like  that  on  English  steel  traps,  the 
trigger  being  connected  with  a bow  of  bamboo  that  fits  over  the 
open  end  of  the  section.  The  bow  is  opened,  bait  is  placed  inside, 
and  the  trigger  is  set.  The  rat  enters,  touches  the  food,  the  bow 
springs  down  over  the  open  end,  and  he  is  imprisoned  inside. 

Birds  are  caught  in  a box  trap  similar  to  the  one  described  on 
page  99,  but  of  lighter  construction  and  larger  dimensions.  In  the 
specimen  shown  in  the  illustration  (page  100)  one  hundred  and 
twenty-seven  pigeons  were  taken  at  one  fall,  I was  told.  It  was 
set  near  the  paddy  threshing-mat,  and  a line  of  grain  led  the  birds 
into  it.  The  man  who  was  watching  the  trap  lay  concealed  in  a 
pile  of  straw  a few  yards  away  and,  when  he  saw  the  box  well 
filled,  pulled  the  string  attached  to  the  support  upon  which  the  end 
of  the  cover  rested.  The  captured  pigeons  were  killed  by  spear- 
thrusts  through  the  cracks  of  their  cage. 

Pigeons  are  also  taken  by  means  of  bamboo  cages  divided  into 
two  compartments.  A young  bird,  caught  before  it  can  fly,  is 
placed  in  one  of  the  compartments  as  a decoy ; and  the  cage,  covered 
with  green  leaves,  is  hung  near  a tree  in  fruit  to  which  the  birds 
resort  for  food,  or  it  is  set  near  a field  that  is  known  to  be  a favor- 
ite feeding-ground  of  the  pigeons.  The  calls  of  the  decoy  attract 
usually  an  aggressive  male  into  the  open  compartment,  the  trig- 
ger snaps,  and  the  door  flies  shut.  Birdlime,  made  from  the  sap 
of  certain  varieties  of  the  banyan,  is  smeared  on  twigs  to  catch 
small  birds. 

Besides  birdlime,  cages,  and  box  traps,  various  kinds  of  snares 
are  utilized  in  capturing  birds.  A noose,  made  of  tough  fibre  or 
hair,  is  hung  over  a path  in  the  thick  grass  just  high  enough  to 
catch  the  head  of  a pheasant  or  jungle-fowl  as  it  walks  along. 
Sometimes  a series  of  standing  snares  or  loops  are  used.  A chain 


102 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


of  twenty  or  thirty  bamboo  splints,  each  fitted  with  its  own  slip- 
noose,  is  staked  on  the  ground  by  means  of  a spike  of  horn  or  bam- 
boo attached  to  one  end  of  the  chain.  The  nooses  form  a succession 
of  wickets  encircling  perhaps  a clump  of  grass  or  an  open  space  in 
the  jungle.  Two  or  three  such  chains  may  be  connected  to  describe 
a larger  circle.  In  either  case  the  circle  is  left  open  in  the  direc- 
tion from  which  the  birds  are  expected  to  approach.  Grain  m,ay 
be  scattered  along  the  path  and  into  the  circle,  or  a decoy  cock  may 
be  tethered  there.  If  a decoy  is  not  used,  a boy  hides  near  at  hand 
until  the  birds  are  within  the  ring  and  then  starts  them  to 
running  by  coming  into  the  open.  Otherwise,  they  wander  and  pick 
about  until  startled  by  the  decoy  or  something  else.  In  trying  to 
scurry  away  at  least  some  of  the  flock  thrust  their  heads  through 
the  open  loops  and  pull  them  tighter  and  tighter  by  their  struggles 
to  escape.  It  only  remains  for  the  hunter  to  come  and  carry  off 
his  catches. 

In  the  Toungoo  Hills  the  Karen  hunt  with  dogs,  which  they 
know  under  the  name  of  “htwi  maw  seh”  and  train  for  use  in  the 
chase.  These  dogs  are  small,  smooth-haired,  and  allied  to  the  ter- 
rier, and  follow  game  with  great  tenacity.  They  are  highly  valued 
by  the  Karen,  the  price  of  a good  one  equaling  that  of  an  ordinary 
pony  or  buffalo.  Deer  are  said  to  be  so  afraid  of  them  that  they 
lose  strength  when  pursued  by  one  of  these  curs  and  thus  become 
an  easy  prey  for  the  hunter.  While  in  pursuit  the  dogs  yelp 
continually.  The  hunter  has  only  to  follow  them  to  be  sure  of 
his  game  in  the  end.  They  do  not  hesitate  to  trail  a species  of  large 
snake,  which  is  considered  palatable  eating  by  the  Karen,  but  will 
not  attack  it.  They  will  pull  down  a deer  and  set  upon  a bear  or 
boar,  but  stand  in  fear  of  tigers  and  leopards.  Indeed,  they  turn 
back  from  the  track  of  a tiger,  if  they  come  upon  it. 

Elephant  hunting,  to  which  the  Karen  were  much  given  in  the 
old  days,  has  been  revived  to  a considerable  extent  in  recent  years 
among  the  Karen  of  Tavoy  and  the  Tenasserim  division.  Their 
practice  is  to  build  a large  V-shaped  stockade  and  drive  the  animals 
into  it.  At  the  apex  of  the  stockade  they  erect  a high-fenced  en- 
closure into  which  tame  elephants  are  sent  to  mingle  with  the  wild 
ones.  Hunting  elephants  merely  as  game  is  no  longer  allowed  by 
the  Government;  but  when  that  practice  was  tolerated,  beaters 
drove  the  animals  along  an  elephant-run,  while  hunters,  who  were 
adepts  at  spear-throwing,  stood  in  wait  behind  trees  and  speared 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 


103 


Climbing  the  Toddy-palm  A Large  Kish-tkai> 

The  trees  that  are  tapped  have  a bamboo  ladder  attached,  so  that  This  trap  is  used  by  Burmese  and  Karen  in  lartre  streams.  The 

the  climber  can  more  easily  obtain  the  sap  for  making  liquor.  bait  is  fastened  to  a string  which,  when  pulled,  drops  the  door.  A 

smaller  “beu”  or  Karen  trap  is  seen  at  the  right. 


104 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  great  creatures  as  they  rushed  past.  The  effort  of  the -spearmen 
was  either  to  thrust  the  elephants  through  the  heart  or  to  ham- 
string and  disable  them  with  their  long  knives,  in  order  that  they 
might  be  put  to  death  later. 

The  Karen  hunts  primarily  in  order  to  obtain  food,  although 
he  certainly  enjoys  the  excitement  of  the  chase  as  well.  But  he  is 
not  a sportsman,  in  the  proper  sense  of  that  term.  He  does  not 
discriminate  in  his  slaughter  of  wild  creatures.  He  does  not  look 
far  enough  ahead  to  appreciate  the  necessity  of  sparing  the  fe- 
males among  the  game  animals,  even  those  that  are  with  young. 
He  is  apt  in  imitating  the  calls  of  many  animals  and  birds.  Almost 
every  Karen  can  entice  the  barking-deer  within  short  range  by  imi- 
tating the  cry  of  its  fawn.  He  does  this  by  putting  a green  leaf 
between  his  lips  and  blowing  through  it.  The  sound  thus  emitted 
often  brings  the  doe  bounding  through  the  jungle,  only  to  be  shot 
down. 

Fishing 

The  rivers  and  smaller  streams  of  Burma  are  full  of  fish  of 
many  kinds  and  sizes.  The  Karen  is  fond  of  fish  for  his  daily  fare, 
and  on  the  plains  the  fermented  fish-paste  of  wide  repute  is  a part 
of  his  regular  diet.  Fishing  is  not  confined  to  the  men.  Indeed,  I 
have  sometimes  thought  that  the  women  do  more  of  it  than  the 
men ; but  this,  if  true,  is  explicable  by  the  fact  that  many  times, 
while  their  men  folk  are  at  work,  the  women  go  to  catch  a supply 
for  the  next  meal. 

The  Karen  on  the  plains  use  much  the  same  methods  in  fishing 
as  the  Burmese,  which  they  have  probably  copied  from  the  latter. 
In  this  chapter,  however,  I shall  confine  myself  to  an  account  of  the 
practices  that  have  come  under  my  observation  along  the  hill 
streams.  Nets,  large  and  small,  baskets,  traps,  jars,  weirs,  the  hook 
and  line,  and  spears  are  the  more  common  kinds  of  implements  em- 
ployed by  the  highland  folk  in  obtaining  their  aquatic  food. 

In  shallow  water  many  fish  are  taken  by  means  of  the  “thwe,” 
which  is  an  oval  hoop  a foot  or  more  in  its  longest  diameter,  on 
which  a net  of  cotton  strands  is  woven.  The  fisherman  wades 
through  the  water  with  his  net  in  hand,  plunges  it  down  over  the 
fish  within  his  reach,  and  scoops  it  up  and  out  toward  him.  In  the 
shallow  water  of  submerged  fields  what  may  be  called  a push-net 
of  closely  woven  material  (“hti  hsaw”)  is  used  in  catching  min- 
nov/s.  It  has  two  handles  that  cross  and  form  the  sides  of  the 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 


105 


spreading  scoop,  and  is  pushed  ahead  by  the  one  handling  it.  A 
longer  scoop  of  similar  construction  is  called  a “paw,”  a name 
probably  derived  from  the  Burmese  designation,  “pauk.” 

The  “pu”  is  a basket  shaped  like  an  Egyptian  vase  and  has  a 
hole  near  the  bottom  fitted  with  a trap-door.  It  is  baited  and  set 
in  the  water.  (See  page  103.)  The  fish  entering  this  contrivance  are 
prevented  from  getting  out  not  only  by  the  trap-door,  but  also  by 


a circle  of  sharp  points  converging  inwards  around  the  door.  There 
are  many  forms  of  basket  and  cage  traps,  all  built  on  the  principle 
of  the  lobster-pot  or  “pu”  just  described,  either  with  trap-doors  or 
inward  converging  bamboo  splints  through  which  the  fish  enter  to 
nibble  at  the  tempting  bait.  Considerable  ingenuity  is  shown  in  the 
construction  of  some  of  the  basket  traps.  One  type  has  the  shape 


Bottle-shaped  Fish-trap 

of  a long-necked  wine  bottle,  but  considerably  larger.  A trap  of  this 
shape  is  made  from  a joint  of  bamboo,  which  is  about  two  inches  in 
diameter.  At  one  end  the  joint  is  split  into  six  or  eight  segments 
about  two-thirds  of  its  length.  These  are  spread  far  enough  open 
to  form  the  body  of  the  “bottle,”  being  kept  in  that  shape  by  the 
interlacing  of  transverse  strips  in  circles  that  get  smaller  toward 
the  neck  of  the  trap.  The  bottom  or  open  end  of  this  bottle-shaped 
basket  consists  of  bamboo  strips  that  converge  inwards,  and  as  the 
basket  is  staked  down  on  its  side  in  a narrow  and  shallow  place  in 
the  stream,  the  fish  gain  their  entrance  through  the  elastic  funnel 
provided  for  them.  The  fisherman  extracts  his  catch  by  spreading 
open  the  segments  forming  the  neck  of  the  basket.  Another  type 
of  the  basket  trap  is  cylindrical  in  shape,  three  and  a half  or  four 
feet  long,  and  some  four  inches  in  diameter.  It,  too,  has  the  inward- 
converging strips  of  bamboo  at  one  end.  Once  inside  the  long  and 
narrow  tube,  the  fish  is  unable  to  turn  around  or,  indeed,  to  do 


106 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


anything  except  move  forward  to  the  front  end  of  the  cage  in  which 
it  finds  itself.  Sometimes  a jar  is  set  low  in  the  shallow  narrows 
of  a stream  through  which  the  fish  are  running  and,  in  jumping  for 
the  deeper  water  above  or  because  the  watching  fisherman  pur- 
posely frightens  them,  they  fall  into  the  jar  (“f  leu”),  from  the 
narrow  mouth  of  which  they  are  unable  to  leap  to  freedom. 

Jars,  basket  and  cage  traps,  scoops,  and  small  hand-nets  are 
familiar  to  the  Karen  fishermen,  as  we  have  seen.  The  hook  and 
line  are  also  in  common  use,  for  fish-hooks  are  a commodity  readily 
obtainable  in  the  bazaars,  and  earthworms  are  to  be  had  for  the 
digging.  Men  and  women,  to  say  nothing  of  children,  are,  there- 
fore, much  given  to  angling  and  always  seem  able  to  draw  fish 
from  any  little  pool  that  may  be  near.  Eels  are  much  prized,  and 
double-pointed  iron  spears  afford  the  readiest  means  of  their  cap- 
ture. On  occasion  nowadays  the  rods  of  an  old  umbrella  are  turned 
into  these  implements.  Seins  have  been  used  extensively  among  the 
Burmese  and  by  the  Karen  on  the  plains,  but  not  much  in  the  hills. 

The  large  catches  resulting  from  seining  are  obtained  by  mere 
primitive  methods  among  the  Karen.  For  example,  a number  of 
men,  provided  with  baskets  (“hsaw”)  wide  and  open  at  the  bottom, 
form  a line  across  a shallow  stream  and  work  the  bottom  foot  by 
foot  up  the  course.  The  fish  either  move  ahead  of  the  line  of  ad- 
vance, or  are  caught  in  the  baskets.  In  the  latter  case  the  fishermen 
remove  their  catches  by  hand  through  the  round  opening  in  the 
top  of  each  basket.  Sometimes  nearly  the  whole  population  of  a 
village,  old  and  young,  male  and  female,  take  part  in  a fishing  ex- 
pedition in  the  dry  season.  As  the  stream  is  low,  it  is  barely  more 
than  a succession  of  pools  connected  by  tiny  rivulets.  Accordingly, 
they  build  a dam  and  throw  into  the  water  above  it  sheaves  of  a 
poisonous  plant,  which  they  call  “xaw  hter.”  This  benumbs  the 
fish,  without  rendering  them  inedible  or  impregnating  the  water 
to  the  detriment  of  the  waders.  Various  members  of  the  crowd, 
especially  the  boys  and  little  girls  who  strip  for  the  purpose,  busy 
themselves  in  stirring  up  the  water  and  mud  to  bring  the  fish  to 
the  surface,  where  some  are  already  floating  apparently  lifeless. 
The  older  people  occupy  themselves  with  hand-nets,  scoops,  etc.,  in 
dipping  out  their  helpless  victims.  As  the  water  in  these  mountain 
streams  is  often  cold  and  the  villagers  soon  become  dripping  wet, 
a fire  is  built  on  shore  by  which  they  may  dry  and  warm  them- 
selves. Many  of  the  persons  in  the  water  wear  at  the  waist  a small- 
necked basket  in  which  to  drop  the  fish  picked  up  or,  lacking  this 


HUNTING  AND  FISHING 


107 


convenience,  toss  them  to  their  neighbors,  who  collect  them  into  or- 
dinary baskets  on  the  bank.  When  the  place  has  been  thoroughly 
“combed,”  the  supply  is  distributed  among  the  villagers,  every  fam- 
ily getting  its  share. 

I have  been  informed  that  there  are  several  kinds  of  plants 
that  may  be  used  to  poison  fish ; but  as  certain  ones  are  dangerous 
to  man  and  beast,  the  people  in  the  Pegu  Hills  prefer  the  “xaw 
hter.”  Surely,  this  method  of  taking  quantities  of  fish  by  means 
of  poison  would  not  commend  itself  to  the  sportsman  and  is  com- 
parable to  the  dynamiting  of  fish,  a thing  that  has  been  done  in 
rare  instances  in  parts  of  the  United  States,  although  it  is  not 
countenanced  by  public  opinion  or  the  law. 

When  the  fish  are  beginning  to  spawn  in  the  creeks,  bunches 
of  straw  are  sunk  in  the  creek  pools  for  their  spawning  beds.  Later 
the  young  fish  are  taken  from  their  hiding-places  in  the  straw,  or 
the  bunches  are  carefully  removed  from  the  water  and  shaken  over 
a cloth  spread  on  the  bank. 

On  the  plains  when  the  streams  are  overflowing  the  fields  and 
the  fish  are  running  up  to  spawn,  the  people  build  weirs  of  rushes 
across  the  shallows  of  the  water  courses  and  insert  long  trumpet- 
shaped tubes  (“hk’ya”)  of  basket-work  in  them  at  intervals.  These 
tubes  are  perhaps  three  feet  long  and  only  a few  inches  in  diameter, 
the  broad  end  being  pointed  down-stream  and  left  open,  while  the 
small  end  is  plugged  with  grass  or  twigs.  The  fish  seek  to  pass  be- 
yond the  obstructing  weirs  through  these  tubes,  only  to  find  them- 
selves unable  either  to  back  out  or  turn  around.  The  plains  people 
make  their  fishing  expeditions  to  shallow  lakes  or,  better,  to  pools 
left  standing  after  the  subsidence  of  the  rains,  or  to  the  creeks  that 
traverse  the  alluvial  soil  of  Lower  Burma.  In  part  they  use  nets 
like  those  in  vogue  among  their  brethren  of  the  hills,  but  they  also 
have  a cast-net  of  circular  form  and  a square  dip-net.  The  former 
is  about  five  yards  in  diameter,  with  weighted  edges  that  sink  on 
all  sides,  thus  covering  and  enclosing  the  fish  nearer  the  center, 
where  the  rope  is  attached  by  which  it  is  slowly  drawn  out. 


CHAPTER  XII 


SPINNING,  DYEING,  AND  WEAVING.  MAT-MAKING 
AND  BASKETRY 

I.  Spinning 

In  the  chapter  on  agriculture  (Chapter  VIII)  I have  already 
referred  to  the  fact  that  the  cotton  plants  are  tended  by  the  women, 
who  also  pick  the  bolls,  pack  them  in  their  deep  baskets,  and  carry 
them  home  on  their  backs.  The  seeds  are  removed  by  a machine 
like  a small  mangle  or  clothes-wringer,  with  two  closely  fitting 
rollers  of  hard  wood.  The  fibers  pass  through  between  the  rollers, 
leaving  the  seeds  behind  divested  of  every  filament.  This  Karen 
cotton-gin  is  like  that  of  the  Burmese,  the  people  of  Borneo,  and  the 
Filipinos.^  (See  upper  illustration,  p.  109.) 

After  ginning  the  next  process  is  whipping  the  fibers  into  a 
workable  mass,  much  like  cotton  batting.  This  is  done  with  a bow 
whose  handle  is  straight  and  heavy,  while  the  thin  tip  is  bent  in  a 
sharp  curve  when  the  bow-string  is  drawn  tight.  The  women  and 
girls  engaged  in  whipping  the  cotton,  which  corresponds  to  carding 
in  a cotton-mill,  move  the  bow  with  the  left  hand  in  small  circles 
just  above  the  cotton  and  keep  snapping  the  string  with  the  right 
thumb,  which  is  protected  by  a cloth  wrapping,  until  a layer  of 
fibers  encircles  the  string  in  a more  or  less  parallel  and  compact 
order.  When  the  space  between  the  string  and  the  belly  of  the  bow 
has  become  filled,  the  aggregation  of  fibers  is  removed  and  flattened 
out  on  a mat.  The  twanging  of  a room  full  of  oscillating  bows 
sounds  like  a battery  of  unmuffled  motors,  at  the  same  time  filling 
the  air  with  flying  bits  of  cotton  as  though  one  were  in  a snow- 
storm. (See  lower  illustration,  p.  109.) 

The  layers  of  cotton-fibers  are  next  divided  into  narrow  strips, 
and  rolled  on  the  mat  or  the  thigh  into  small  rolls  of  about  a cubit’s 
length  and  of  the  thickness  of  one’s  thumb.  From  these  rolls  the 
yarn  is  spun  by  means  of  the  spinning-wheel,  which  is  like  those 

1 See  Hose  and  MacDougall’s  The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo^  Vol.  I,  221,  for  description  of 
the  processes  of  cotton-ginning  in  the  region  of  which  they  treat.  The  methods  they  describe  are 
remarkably  like  those  used  by  the  Karen. 


108 


SPINNING,  DYEING,  AND  WEAVING 


109 


Ginning  Cotton  in  the  Pegu  Hills 


Batting  Cotton  into  Smooth  Layers  with  a Bow 
This  Burman  woman,  who  lives  in  the  village  of  Ngape  Eh,  was  more  ready  to 
pose  for  this  photo  than  her  Karen  sisters. 


no 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


found  all  over  Burma.  This  contrivance  is  of  the  simplest  form, 
consisting  of  a driving-wheel  about  two  feet  in  diameter  with 
spokes  and  rim  of  bamboo,  the  axle  of  which  is  fitted  in  an  orna- 
mental flat  post  rising  from  one  corner  of  a thick  bottom  board, 
which  is  three  and  a half  feet  long  and  a foot  or  more  wide.  Near 
the  middle  of  the  other  end  of  this  board  a shorter  post  rises,  to 
the  base  of  which  is  affixed  a little  wheel,  with  a grooved  rim,  in 
line  with  the  driving-wheel,  the  two  wheels  being  connected  by  a 
slender  belt.  There  is  a handle  on  the  large  wheel  and  a horizontal 
iron  spindle  fastened  in  the  center  of  the  little  one.  The  spinner  sits 
on  the  floor,  with  her  machine  drawn  up  to  her  knees  in  front  of  her, 
the  driving-wheel  at  her  left  hand  and  the  point  of  the  spindle  at 
her  right.  She  attaches  some  fibers  of  a roll  to  a spun  thread  tied 
to  the  spindle,  and  sets  this  to  rotating  rapidly  by  turning  the  large 
wheel  with  her  left  hand,  meantime  continuing  to  pay  out  the  fibers 
from  the  roll  with  her  right  hand.  After  the  spindle  has  twisted  the 
loose  filaments  into  a tight  yarn,  the  spinner  feeds  the  newly  spun 
yarn  on  to  the  spindle  and  repeats  the  process  with  another  roll  of 
fibers,  until  the  spindle  is  full. 

II.  Dyeing  and  Weaving 

The  next  stage  in  the  work  is  that  of  dyeing.  The  colors  im- 
parted to  the  skeins  of  cotton  yarn  are  shades  of  blue  to  black,  red, 
and  yellow.  In  producing  the  blue  shades  the  skeins  are  soaked  in 
a solution  of  the  bark  or  leaves  of  the  wild  indigo  plant,  called  “naw 
xaw”  in  Karen,  the  depth  of  the  color  depending  on  the  duration 
and  repetition  of  the  soaking,  until  a blue  black  has  been  obtained. 
The  red  dyes  are  derived  from  the  stick-lac  so  commonly  found  in 
the  Toungoo  Hills.  During  the  years  just  preceding  the  World  War 
a good  deal  of  foreign  dyestuff  was  introduced  among  the  Karen 
people,  and  yellow  came  to  be  used  in  addition  to  the  other  colors.^ 

The  weaving  of  the  yarn  into  cloth  comes  next  in  order.  The 
threads  that  are  to  form  the  warp  of  the  cloth  must  first  be  got 
ready  for  the  hand-loom  (“hta”).  This  is  done  by  unwinding  the 
skeins  and  stringing  the  thread  around  a few  pegs  driven  into  a 
leveled  and  cleaned  space  of  ground,  until  enough  has  been  laid 
down  to  fill  the  loom.  If  there  is  no  convenient  place  out-of-doors 
for  this  purpose,  the  long  threads  are  strung  on  pegs  around  the 

- For  an  account  of  dyes  and  methods  of  dyeing  in  Burma,  see  The  Upper  Burma  Gazetteer, 
Vol.  II,  Pt.  I,  337-399. 


SPINNING,  DYEING,  AND  WEAVING 


111 


family  living-room  or  along  one  side  of  the  corridor  of  the  village- 
house.  The  Karen  loom  is  a primitive  affair  much  like  those  to  be 
seen  among  the  hill  tribes  in  Burma,  the  Kachin,  for  example,  or  to 
be  found  in  Malaysia  and  the  adjacent  regions.  The  Karen  loom 
has  no  frame,  differing  in  this  respect  from  the  Burmese  loom.  It 
consists  of  little  more  than  a bamboo  pole  five  and  a half  or  six 
feet  long,  over  which  the  warp-threads  are  passed,  this  pole  being 
held  in  place  four  feet  or  so  above  the  floor  against  the  back  parti- 
tion of  a living-room,  two  of  whose  large  bamboo  uprights  have 
holes  in  them  for  inserting  the  pole.  From  this  support  the  warp 
extends  at  an  incline  some  ten  or  twelve  feet  to  the  lap  of  the 
weaver,  who  holds  it  taut  by  means  of  a strap  around  her  waist, 
while  she  sits  flat  on  the  floor  with  her  feet  braced  against  a section 
of  large  bamboo.  The  threads  of  the  two  layers  are  kept  in  place 
by  being  passed  through  heddles  consisting  of  small  loops  attached 
to  bamboo  bars,  alternate  threads  being  thus  strung  on  one  or 
the  other  of  one  or  more  pairs  of  bars.  On  a shuttle  of  bamboo 
the  filling  or  woof-thread  is  wound.  It  is  passed  by  hand  from  side 
to  side  between  the  separated  layers  of  the  warp,  is  pulled  taut, 
and  then  forced  tight  against  the  last  of  the  interwoven  threads  by 
a piece  of  Burmese  ebony  wood,  shaped  like  the  enlarged  blade  of 
a pocket-knife.  As  the  work  progresses,  the  finished  cloth  is  rolled 
away  on  the  rod  in  the  weaver’s  lap,  only  a yard  or  two  being  the 
product  of  an  ordinary  day’s  work.  On  the  plains  the  younger  gen- 
eration of  Karen  women  use  the  Burmese  loom  and  can  accom- 
plish more  with  it.  (See  illustrations,  pp.  112,  114.) 

Variations  in  color  are  obtained  by  introducing  different  colors 
of  thread.  When  a colored  pattern  is  woven  for  a skirt  or  the  bor- 
der of  a blanket,  this  process  is  called  “u,”  meaning  primarily  “in- 
serting the  fingers”  in  reference  to  picking  up  certain  threads  under 
which  the  filling  threads  must  be  passed  in  order  to  produce  the  de- 
sired pattern. 

After  its  removal  from  the  loom  the  cloth  is  plunged  into  water 
and  spread  out  to  dry.  Knots  are  tucked  in  and  straggling  ends  re- 
moved, but  no  other  finishing  is  thought  necessary.  Such  cloth  is 
very  firm  and  almost  indestructible.  The  width  of  a strip  as  it 
comes  from  the  loom  is  from  eighteen  to  twenty  inches.  Between 
three  and  four  yards  are  required  for  a skirt.  This  length  is  cut 
in  half.  By  sewing  the  two  resulting  pieces  together  side  by  side 
the  proper  dimensions  for  a skirt  are  secured.  The  ends  of  this 


112 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A Karen  Girl  at  a Burmese  Loom 

This  loom,  which  has  a frame  and  is  more  easily  operated  than  the  Karen 
loom,  is  in  common  use  among  the  Karen  women  on  the  plains. 


The  Karen  Loom 

This  loom  is  simplicity  itself.  The  airy  construction  of  the  Karen  family- 
room  is  shown  in  this  picture. 


MAT-MAKING  AND  BASKETRY 


113 


larger  strip,  which  is  nearly  two  yards  long  and  about  forty  inches 
wide,  are  sewed  together,  and  the  skirt  is  finished.  The  cloth  for  a 
man’s  garment  is  cut  and  sewed  in  much  the  same  way. 

III.  Mat-Making  and  Basketry 

The  making  of  mats  and  baskets  is  almost  wholly  confined  to 
men,  who  prepare  the  materials  out  of  rattan  and  bamboo  and 
spend  their  leisure  hours  weaving  them.  Common  mats  (“klau”), 
such  as  are  used  as  floor  coverings  in  their  houses  and  to  sleep  on, 
and  the  large  ones  that  serve  as  winnowing  and  threshing-floors  in 
the  hills,®  are  woven  of  bamboo  strips  about  half  an  inch  wide  in 
checker-board  pattern.  The  strips  do  not  run  parallel  with  the 
edges  of  the  mat,  but  diagonally  at  an  angle  of  forty-five  degrees. 
The  better  and  stronger  mats  are  made  of  strips  with  the  silicious 
outer  surface  intact,  giving  them  a smooth  and  glossy  appearance. 
The  softer  rush  mats  of  Burmese  manufacture  are  often  found  in 
Karen  houses,  but  are  not  made  by  any  of  the  occupants,  except 
such  as  have  learned  the  art  from  their  neighbors. 

The  people  distinguish  between  several  different  kinds  of  bas- 
kets, for  which  they  have  particular  names  and  special  uses.  The 
large  baskets  (“kii”)  for  carrying  paddy  and  other  produce  from 
the  fields  to  their  houses  are  shaped  like  an  elongated  egg  with  a 
truncated  smaller  end  and  are  slung  on  the  back  with  a bark-fiber 
strap  which  passes  over  the  forehead  and  attaches  to  loops  on  either 
side  a little  above  the  middle  of  the  basket.  When  thus  carried, 
the  receptacle  reaches  below  the  waist  and  a third  of  its  own  length 
above  the  shoulders.  If  the  bearer  is  heavily  laden,  he  or  she  partly 
relieves  the  weight  on  the  strap  by  hooks  of  horn  or  bamboo  root, 
hung  from  the  shoulders  and  supporting  the  bottom  of  the  basket. 
These  large  receptacles  are  woven  in  diagonal  pattern  with  small 
strands  of  rattan,  those  of  the  upper  half  being  less  than  a quarter 
of  an  inch  in  width  while  those  of  the  lower  half  are  a little  wider. 
The  bottom  of  such  baskets  are  square  and  flat,  and  its  edges  are 
bound  with  round  rattans.  From  the  corners  rattan  stays  are  run 
vertically  to  the  large  oval  mouth  of  the  basket,  which  is  finished 
off  with  a large  rattan  around  the  edge.  A midrib  down  each  side 
from  top  to  bottom  adds  strength  and  durability. 

Cotton  and  vegetables  are  carried  in  loosely  woven  and  large- 
meshed  baskets,  called  “seh,”  meaning  rough  or  flimsy.  A man  will 


® See  ante,  p.  82. 


114 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


cut  a green  bamboo,  divide  it  into  strips,  and  weave  one  of  these  in 
a few  minutes,  and  then  discard  it  after  he  has  reached  home. 

Inasmuch  as  the  people  of  the  Toungoo  country  have  higher 
hills  to  climb  and  longer  distances  to  travel  than  those  dwelling 
lower  down  in  the  Pegu  ranges,  they  carry  their  produce  in  smaller 
baskets  than  do  the  latter.  These  Toungoo  baskets  have  the  shape 
of  an  inverted  pyramid  with  the  apex  blunted.  Sometimes  they  are 
woven  of  rattan  and  nicely  finished,  sometimes  loosely  made  of  bam- 
boo splints.  In  the  houses  of  the  Toungoo  Hills  I have  seen  enor- 
mous spreading  baskets  for  the  storage  of  grain  and  other  things. 

The  hill  people  make  small,  closely  woven  receptacles  for  carry- 
ing ordinary  articles  and  also  for  keeping  things  dry  during  the 
rainy  season.  They  render  these  baskets  water-tight  by  coating 
them  with  gum  and  afterwards  with  “thitse”  (Burmese  lacquer). 
Probably  the  Karen  have  copied  this  type  of  basket  from  the  Bur- 
mese or  the  Shan,  who  make  extensive  use  of  them.  On  the  plains 
the  small  round  basket,  holding  about  three  pecks,  is  in  constant 
service.  It  is  Burmese  in  origin,  as  is  one  of  its  names,  “taw” 
(from  the  Burmese  word,  “taung”).  Its  other  name  is  “na.” 


A Karen  Matron  Weaving  under  Her  House 


CHAPTER  XIII 


BRONZE  DRUMS 

Early  travelers  noticed  the  presence  of  large  bronze  drums  in 
the  Karen  houses  in  Karenni  and  in  the  Toungoo  Hills ; but  it  is  only 
recently  that  these  drums  have  been  made  the  subject  of  careful 
study.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  Europeans  first 
began  to  examine  similar  objects  that  were  brought  from  China. 
It  has  been  discovered  that  these  objects  are  scattered  through  a 
vast  area  extending  from  Mongolia  on  the  north  to  the  Celebes 
Islands  on  the  south,  but  that  their  place  of  origin  was  probably  in 
the  old  Cambodian  kingdom  of  the  Indo-Chinese  peninsula.  Four 
or  five  classes  of  such  drums  are  distinguished,  of  which  the  Karen 
drums  form  one  group. ^ 

The  Karen  drums  are  characterized  by  a nearly  straight  cylin- 
der or  body,  which  has  a slightly  narrowed  waist.  The  cylinder  is 
encircled  by  bands  of  conventionalized  designs  between  sets  of 
straight  lines  forming  the  borders  of  the  bands.  In  some  cases 
there  is  a line  of  molded  figures  of  elephants  and  snails  down  one 
side  of  the  cylinder.  The  flat  circular  metal  head  extends  a little 
beyond  the  body,  forming  a rim.  In  the  center  of  the  head  is  a 
large  star  enclosed  by  concentric  circles  between  which  are  nar- 
rower or  wider  zones  filled  with  figures  of  different  patterns.  Dis- 
tributed at  equal  intervals  around  the  outer  edge  of  the  head  are 
four  or  six  frogs  in  relief.  Sometimes  these  frogs  are  in  sets  of 
two,  one  on  top  of  the  other ; sometimes  in  sets  of  three,  superim- 
posed one  upon  another.  The  two  pairs  of  small  handles  are  sit- 
uated on  opposite  sides  of  the  body  of  the  drum  well  toward  the  top, 
and  present  the  appearance  of  neatly  braided  straps.  These  bronze 
drums  vary  in  size  from  about  eighteen  inches  across  the  head  to 
about  thirty  inches. 

1 In  addition  to  the  authorities  mentioned  at  the  foot  of  pap:e  9,  Chapter  II,  the  article 
by  W.  Foy,  entitled  **Uber  Alte  Bronzetrommeln  aus  Sudost  Asien”  in  the  Mitteilungen  der 
Anthropologischen  Gesellschaft  in  Wein,  Vol.  XXXIII,  (1903)  is  a valuable  contribution  to  the 
general  subject  of  bronze  drums.  Herr  Foy,  however,  differs  somewhat  in  classification  from 
Franz  Heger,  who  is  followed  by  M.  Parmentier.  Origin,  shape,  and  ornamentation  form  the 
basis  for  the  differentiation  into  classes.  Heger  puts  the  Karen  drums  in  Type  III,  while 
Foy  distinguishes  them  as  Type  V. 


115 


116 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Concerning  their  origin  much  that  is  legendary  has  been  writ- 
ten. In  the  Karen  Thesaurus  we  are  told  in  substance  that  these 
drums  (“klo  oh  tra  oh”)  are  very  expensive  and  are  owned  in 
Lower  Burma  by  a few  very  wealthy  persons,  who  make  offerings 
of  food  and  liquor  to  them  annually,  fearing  an  early  death  if  they 
fail  to  do  this.  The  drums  are  said  by  some  to  have  been  brought 
from  the  ”K’  wa”  country  and  by  others  from  the  “Swa”  tribe. - 
Those  who  went  to  buy  these  objects  paid  according  to  the  number 
of  frogs  on  them,  the  price  of  one  with  two  frogs  being  twenty 
rupees.  The  buyer  put  down  the  price  and  took  away  the  drum, 
after  which  the  owner  came  and  got  his  money.  If  the  buyer  did 
not  leave  the  money,  he  risked  losing  his  way  and  being  overtaken 
and  eaten  by  the  owner.  The  drums  are  used  in  making  a noise  like 
that  of  a gong.® 

Dr.  Francis  Mason,  writing  at  Toungoo  in  1868,  speaks  of 
these  drums  under  the  name  of  “kyee-zees.”  and  is  better  informed 
than  the  writer  in  the  Thesaurus  in  saying  that  they  are  ob- 
tained from  the  Shan.  He  also  states  that  the  Karen  distinguish 
ten  different  kinds  of  drums  according  to  sound  and  have  a differ- 
ent name  for  each  kind.  Dr.  Mason  tells  us  that  the  best-sounding 
drums  are  worth  a thousand  rupees  apiece,  while  the  poorest 
bring  only  one  hundred  each.  Dr.  Mason  continues:  “The  posses- 
sion of  Kyee-zees  is  what  constitutes  a rich  Karen.  No  one  is  con- 
sidered rich  without  one,  whatever  may  be  his  other  possessions. 
Everyone  who  has  money  endeavors  to  turn  it  into  Kyee-zees,  and 
a village  that  has  many  of  them  is  the  envy  of  the  other  villages 
and  it  is  often  the  cause  of  wars  to  obtain  possession  of  them.”  ^ 

Some  of  the  Karens  have  told  me  that  in  the  beginning  these 
drums  were  obtained  from  the  “Yu”  people,  who  seem  to  have  been 
the  Jung  or  Yung  who  occupied  Yunnan  in  ancient  times.®  Indeed, 
various  indications  point  to  the  probability  that  the  drums  existed 
or  were  in  use  in  Yunnan  when  the  ancestors  of  the  Karen  passed 
through  there  from  their  home  in  western  China  into  Burma, 

' The  Swa  are  mentioned  in  some  of  the  old  Karen  tales  and  appear  to  have  been  wild 
cannibals,  of  whom  but  little  was  known.  Their  location  seems  uncertain.  Some  of  the  tales 
place  them  beyond  the  gi'eat  waters,  while  others  sujrprest  that  they  live  to  the  north.  Probably 
the  references  are  to  the  Waer,  who  are  one  of  the  head-hunting  tribes  still  living  in  the 
northern  Shan  States,  on  the  Chinese  frontier. 

^ The  Karen  Thesaurus,  1847,  Vol.  I,  pp.  327,  ff. 

^ Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1868,  Vol.  XXXVII,  Pt.  II,  pp.  128,  ff. 

® Mr.  Taw  Sein  Ko,  in  Annual  Archaeological  Report.  Burma,  1917,  pp,  22.  23.  Mr.  Po  Lin 
Te  writes  in  the  Rangoon  Gazette,  Sept,  27,  1919,  that  the  Yu  were  the  oldest  of  five  families  who 
emigrated  from  the  Sandy  River  and  were,  therefore,  entitled  to  use  the  drums. 


BRONZE  DRUMS 


117 


where  they  settled.®  This  is  the  view  of  the  origin  of  the  drums  held 
by  Heger  and  others. 

Certain  Karen  traditions  associate  the  drums  with  “Pii  Maw 
Taw,”  one  of  the  mythical  characters  of  ancient  times.  This  man 
was  at  work  in  his  field  and,  seeing  a flock  of  m.onkeys  emerge  from 
the  forest,  feigned  death.  Thereupon,  the  monkeys  sent  several 
of  their  number  back  to  bring  their  drums  for  the  proper  perform- 
ance of  the  funeral  rites.  Of  the  three  brought,  one  was  silver,  one, 
gold,  and  the  third,  white  in  appearance.  The  last  one  fell  into  a 
pool  of  water  and  was  lost.  “Pii  Maw  Taw”  suddenly  interrupted 
the  funeral  ceremonies  and  the  monkeys  ran  away,  leaving  the 
other  two  drums  in  the  field.  The  old  man  took  them  home  and  they 
at  once  became  the  most  sacred  possession  of  the  people,  being  con- 
secrated every  year  with  very  great  ceremony,  until  at  last  the  Pwo 
Karen  grew  tired  of  making  their  annual  journey  for  this  purpose 
and  carried  them  off.  They  were  named  “Gaw  Kwa  Htu”  and  “Gaw 
Kwa  Se”  ' and  are  still  believed  to  have  been  deposited  in  a cave 
near  Donyan  in  Thaton  district.  Each  drum  had  two  sticks  and  a 
striker,  all  made  of  bronze.  The  smaller  stick,  which  produced  a 
rolling  sound,  was  in  the  form  of  a centipede.  The  striker  had  a 
quilted  surface,  in  appearance  like  the  scales  of  a cobra.  Unfortu- 
nately these  drum  implements  had  been  left  behind  with  the 
Sgaw,  of  Loo  Thaw  Ko  village  in  the  Papun  district.  Almost  every 
year  the  Sgaw  came  down  and  demanded  that  the  drums  be  given 
back  to  them,  but  without  success.  Gaw  Le  Bay  and  Gaw 
Ser  Paw  were  the  two  Pwo  Karens  who  committed  the  sacrilege  of 
stealing  away  the  drums,  being  punished  for  it  with  sore  eyes,  from 
which  their  descendants  in  Donyin  suffer  even  unto  this  day. 

All  the  elders  believe  that  the  bronze  drums  connect  the  Karen 
people  with  a remote  past.  But  few  of  these  objects  that  are  still 
in  existence  can  be  traced  back  more  than  a century  or  two.  Never- 
theless, I have  heard  of  some  that  are  reputed  to  be  much  older, 
especially  one  in  a Mopgha  village,  near  Toungoo,  which  is  said  to 
date  back  “nearly  a thousand  years.”  This  drum  has  a name,  and 
innumerable  offerings  have  been  made  to  it  year  after  year. 

It  was  formerly  thought  that  the  Red  Karen  were  the  only 
tribe  who  possessed  drums,  but  it  now  appears  that  these  instru- 
ments were  known  among  all  the  tribes.  In  many  places,  however, 
they  are  no  longer  used.  It  is  in  the  remoter  hill  regions,  where 


See  Chapter  I,  pp.  9,  12. 

' “Gaw”  is  the  prefix  used  for  drums,  as  “saw”  is  for  men. 


118 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  Karen  are  less  affected  by  outside  influences,  that  the  use  of  the 
drums  has  been  the  most  prolonged. 

There  is  considerable  difference  of  opinion  among  the  people  of 
the  various  sections  of  the  country  about  the  classification  of  the 
drums.  A writer  in  the  Rangoon  Gazette  divides  them  into  two 
general  groups,  the  older  and  the  later.  He  regards  the  older,  more 
melodious,  and  more  highly  prized  group  as  comprising  those  which 
have  four  single  frogs,  snails,  or  elephants  on  their  heads.  He  sub- 
divides this  group  into  three  divisions,  namely,  (1)  “Klo  ka  paw,” 
(2)  “Klo  ma  ti,”  and  (3)  “Klo  gaw  pie.”  The  drums  in  the  first  of 
these  subdivisions  are  the  oldest  and  best-sounding.  The  second 
general  group,  comprising  the  later  and  poorer  drums,  may  be  sub- 
divided, according  to  this  writer,  into  five  classes,  which  he  names 
as  follows:  (1)  “Raw  tear,”  (2)  “Raw  la,”  (3)  “Raw  ser,”  (4)  “Raw 
saw.”  and  (5)  “Raw  boo.”  These  have  four  sets  of  double  or  triple 
frogs  or  elephants  on  their  heads.  Each  class  has  its  characteristic 
design,  for  example,  ears  of  paddy  supplying  the  decorative  figure 
on  the  “Raw  boo”  and  Karen  hand-bags  that  on  the  “Raw  tear.”  * 

In  the  Pegu  Hills  the  drums  with  the  single  frogs  on  the  head 
and  no  figures  down  the  side  are  known  as  the  “hot”  drums,  that  is, 
those  which  are  beaten  on  occasions  of  death  or  disaster.  The  others, 
with  the  superimposed  frogs  and  with  elephants  and  snails  down 
the  side,  are  called  “cool”  drums,  these  being  used  on  festive  occa- 
sions. In  Toungoo,  however,  the  people  do  not  appear  to  make  the 
distinction  just  mentioned,  but  use  both  kinds  of  drums  indiscrimi- 
nately for  festive  and  sad  occasions,  such  as  weddings  and 
funerals,  respectively. 

That  the  drums  are  regarded  as  sacred  objects  can  not  be 
doubted.  In  the  back  districts,  where  the  old  customs  are  still  per- 
petuated, offerings  are  everywhere  made  to  them.  I was  informed 
that  during  the  month  of  March,  1918,  a feast  was  to  be  held  in 
honor  of  certain  drums  in  the  village  of  Pyindaing,  Tharrawaddy 
district,  and  that  offerings  were  to  be  made  to  them,  the  customary 
period  of  seven  years  having  elapsed  since  the  last  feast  and  offer- 
ings. I held  myself  in  readiness  to  attend  the  celebration,  but  was 
finally  told  that  the  ceremony  had  been  postponed  indefinitely.  The 
account  in  the  Karen  Thesaurus  speaks  of  the  offerings  as  having 

® Mr.  Po  Lin  Te  in  the  Rangoon  Gazette  of  Sept.  27,  1919.  I regret  that  this  writer’s 
article  appeared  after  I had  left  Burma  on  my  furlough.  I have  not  been  able,  therefore,  to 
identify  the  designs  mentioned  by  him  on  any  picture  or  sketch  of  the  few  I have  with  me  or 
that  are  accessible  to  me. 


BRONZE  DRUMS 


119 


been  presented  annually.  Other  sources  of  information  indicate 
that  they  might  be  made  at  any  time,  especially  on  occasions  of  ca- 


Karen  Bronze  Drum,  Nabaain  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District 
A drum  of  almost  black  metal,  used  for  weddings  and  other  festal  occasions. 


lamity  or  epidemic.  As  far  as  I am  able  to  ascertain,  these  offer- 
ings usually  consist  of  food  and  liquor.  In  the  early  times,  at  least, 


120 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


to  withhold  such  oblations  from  a drum  was  to  invite  the  descent 
of  illness  and  misfortune  upon  the  owner. 

Of  the  various  drums  which  I have  had  an  opportunity  to  in- 
spect, I wish  to  describe  two  with  some  fullness,  one  of  these  being 
a “hot”  drum  and  the  other  a “cool”  one.  The  latter  is  shown  on 
page  119,  and  was  obtained  in  1918  from  the  Nabaain  village 
tract  by  Thra  Shwe  Thee.  It  is  a fine  specimen  of  its  class 
and  was  used  on  festive  occasions.  Its  head  is  twenty-one  inches 
in  diameter;  its  bottom  or  mouth,  sixteen  and  one-half  inches  in 
diameter ; its  cylinder,  fifteen  and  one-half  inches  long.  The  surface 
of  the  metal,  which  is  black,  is  much  worn.  It  has  four  sets  of  frogs 
on  the  head,  each  group  being  composed  of  three  of  the  creatures, 
one  above  another.  The  frogs  are  flat  and  conventional  in  form. 
In  the  center  of  the  head  is  a large  twelve-pointed  star,  the  angles 
close  in  between  the  rays  being  connected  by  several  arcs,  from  the 
outermost  of  which  radiating  lines  diverge.  The  points  of  the  star 
are  encircled  by  nineteen  zones,  which  fill  the  space  to  the  edge  of 
the  rim.  These  zones  are  not  separated  from  one  another  by  equal 
spaces,  but  fall  into  five  groups.  Counting  from  the  center  outward, 
the  first  three  of  these  groups  comprise  four  zones  each,  each  group 
being  separated  from  the  next  one  by  four  concentric  circles,  while 
each  individual  zone  is  separated  from  its  fellow  by  three  circles  in 
close  proximity  to  one  another.  The  fourth  and  fifth  groups  con- 
sist of  three  zones  each,  four  circles  separating  the  two  groups  and 
three  circles,  each  zone  from  its  neighbor.  The  rim  zone,  on  which 
the  sets  of  frogs  stand,  is  broader  than  the  others,  and  the  edge  of 
the  rim  is  finished  with  a braided  beading. 

The  ornamental  designs  contained  in  the  several  zones,  group 
by  group,  are  indicated  in  the  following  table : 


Ornamental  Designs  in  the  Zones  on  the  Head  of  the 

Nabaain  Drum 


Group  I 
Hatching 
Circles 
Plaiting 
Birds’  heads 


Group  II 
Hatching 
Circles 
Plaiting 
Six  dia- 
monds, cir- 
cles, three 
birds 


Group  III 
Hatching 
Circles 
Hatching 
Six  dia- 
monds, cir- 
cles, three 
birds 


Group  IV  Group  V 
Hatching  Hatching 

Plaiting  Plaiting 

Birds’  heads  Diamonds 


i 


BRONZE  DRUMS 


121 


Little  comment  is  necessary  in  regard  to  these  zone  decora- 
tions. In  the  fourth  zone  of  Group  I and  the  third  of  Group  IV  the 
birds’  heads  follow  in  close  succession.  In  the  fourth  zone  of  both 
Group  II  and  Group  III  three  birds  are  followed  by  six  diamonds 
or  lozenges,  each  lozenge  being  separated  from  its  fellow  by  two 
circles,  while  the  series  is  terminated  by  three  circles.  The  combi- 
nation of  decorative  figures  is  repeated  over  and  over  around  the 
zone.  The  birds  are  represented  side  view,  standing  with  their 
heads  extended  horizontally  as  if  looking  for  food.  The  outer  zone, 
on  which  the  frogs  stand,  has  less  ornamentation  than  the  other 
zones.  At  intervals  groups  of  six  circles,  arranged  like  the  sides  of 
a pyramid,  appear  in  this  zone,  the  rest  of  the  space  being  left 
vacant. 

The  cylinder  of  the  Nabaain  drum  is  encircled  by  numerous 
engraved  bands,  arranged  in  three  groups.  The  smallest  group, 
consisting  of  four  bands  with  indistinct  patterns,  is  at  the  bottom 
or  open  end  of  the  cylinder,  the  individual  bands  being  separated 
by  close  parallel  lines  which  number  three  in  two  instances  and  four 
in  the  other.  Around  the  waist  of  the  cylinder  run  two  sets  of  five 
bands,  a space  wider  than  any  of  the  bands  separating  the  two  sets. 
Parallel  lines  separate  the  individual  bands  from  one  another. 
Three  bands  of  the  lower  set  are  ornamented  with  lozenge-shaped 
figures.  The  two  outer  bands  of  the  upper  set  are  filled  with  hatch- 
ing and  the  other  three,  with  the  lozenge  patterns.  Three  or  four 
parallel  lines  separate  these  bands  from  each  other. 

The  “hot”  or  “sad”  drum,  which  I shall  next  describe,  was  ob- 
tained from  the  village  of  Kondagyi  at  the  head  of  Thonze  Creek 
in  the  Tharrawaddy  district.  It  has  a bronze  color  and  is  reputed 
to  contain  gold  and  silver  in  the  alloy.  As  drums  of  the  class  to 
which  this  one  belongs  were  used  only  on  occasions  of  calamity  or 
death  in  the  owner’s  family,  they  were  kept  hidden  away  in  the 
jungle  and  were  brought  out  only  when  necessary.  The  patterns 
on  the  Kondagyi  drum  are  much  worn,  and  part  of  one  side  of  it  is 
broken  off.  It  was  also  once  somewhat  injured  at  a funeral  feast, 
where  a dispute  arose  about  the  tonal  qualities  of  this  and  other 
drums  whose  owners  were  present.  Many  of  the  guests  regarded 
the  tones  of  the  Kondagyi  drum  as  more  melodious  than  those  of 
the  other  drums.  The  partisans  of  the  latter  resented  this  adverse 
opinion  of  their  favorite  instrument  with  such  vigor  that  they 
left  three  knife-cuts  on  the  edge  of  the  sweet-sounding  drum  before 
it  was  rescued  by  its  owner  and  his  friends.  The  Kondagyi  drum 


122 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Bronze  Drum  from  Kondagyi,  at  Head  of  Thonze  Creek,  Tharrawaddy 
District.  Used  at  Funerals 


Head  of  the  Kondagyi  Drum 


BRONZE  DRUMS 


123 


is  said  to  have  come  into  possession  of  the  family  from  whom  I 
purchased  it  in  1917,  back  in  1757,  at  the  time  when  the  Burmese 
overthrew  the  Talain  kingdom  of  Pegu.  It  was  supposed  to  have 
come  originally  from  “the  Eastern  country,”  that  is,  probably  Pa- 
pun  or  some  locality  near  the  Shan  States.  A few  years  ago,  v'hen 
the  funeral  customs  were  beginning  to  fall  into  disuse,  the  owner 
refused  three  hundred  rupees  for  this  drum.  Later,  realizing  that 
the  old  usages  were  gone,  he  hobbled  over  the  hills  to  the  house  of 
his  son,  who  knew  the  place  of  concealment  of  the  drum  in  the 
jungle,  ordered  him  to  bring  it  forth  from  its  hiding-place,  and  sold 
it  for  fifty  rupees,  although  still  fearing  that  he  might  be  dishon- 
oring his  ancestors.  (See  illustrations,  p.  122.) 

The  ornamentation  of  this  drum  is  not  so  well  marked  as  that 
on  the  Nabaain  instrument.  On  the  head  (lower  figure,  p.  122)  the 
star  in  the  center  has  six  slightly  rounded  points,  which  do  not  ex- 
tend more  than  about  three-fourths  of  the  distance  from  the  center 
to  the  inner  circle  of  the  first  zone.  The  total  number  of  zones  is 
fourteen,  arranged  in  four  groups  of  four,  three,  two,  and  four  zones, 
respectively.  The  two  inner  groups  are  separated  by  a single  cir- 
cle and  the  others,  by  two  closely  drawn  circles.  The  patterns  in 
the  zones  are  given  in  the  following  table : 


Ornamentation  in  the  Zones  on  the  Head  of  the 
Kondagyi  Drum 


Group  I 

Group  II 

Group  III 

Group  IV 

Hatching 

Indistinct  pat- 
tern 

Alternating 
groups  of  two 
fishes  and 
three  birds 

Two  rows  of 
oval  dots 

Hatching 

Indistinct  pat- 
tern 

Same  as  above 

Hatching 

Hatching 

(Both  zones 
are  wider  than 
those  in  Group 

I) 

(Each  of  these 
zones  are  twice 
the  width  of 
those  in  Group 
II) 

Indistinct 

Two  rows  of 
oval  dots 


Two  rows  of 
oval  dots 


124 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Two  concentric  circles  enclose  the  last  zone,  and  beyond  these 
to  the  edge  of  the  rim  is  an  open  space.  The  four  well-molded  sin- 
gle frogs  are  in  the  last  zone  and  face  to  the  left,  as  do  the  flat  pat- 
terns also. 

The  cylinder  of  this  drum  is  worn  and  weather-beaten,  and 
the  bands  in  low  relief  are  some  of  them  indistinct.  Near  the  bot- 
tom or  mouth,  which  is  rounded  off  with  a molding  a little  thicker 
than  the  rest  of  the  metal,  there  are  two  indistinct  bands,  the  upper 
one  having  been  apparently  ornamented  with  hatching.  A second 
group  of  seven  bands  encircles  the  waist  of  the  cylinder.  Four  of 
these  are  below  the  seam  that  runs  around  the  drum  at  its  smallest 
diameter.  The  lowest  of  the  four  seems  to  have  been  filled  with 
hatching  and  the  other  three,  with  the  lozenge  pattern.  Of  the  three 
bands  above  the  seam  two  are  indistinct,  and  the  third  is  filled  with 
hatching.  Between  the  bulging  shoulder  and  the  rim  are  four  bands 
with  patterns  hardly  discernible.  There  is  no  line  of  elephants  and 
snails  running  down  the  side.  Double  flat  handles  of  bronze  project 
from  opposite  sides.  These  are  narrow  in  the  middle  and  wider  at 
the  ends,  where  they  are  joined  to  the  cylinder. 

Besides  the  two  drums  above  described,  I have  seen  several 
others  that  conform  in  general  to  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  types 
to  which  these  belong.  I have  no  data  at  hand,  however,  from  which 
to  give  accurate  descriptions  of  them.  On  none  of  them  have  I seen 
the  figures  of  men,  houses,  or  boats  with  which  the  ancient  drums 
of  Cambodia  are  decorated,  but  all  of  them  display  the  charac- 
teristics usually  attributed  to  Karen  drums,  namely,  narrow  circu- 
lar zones  on  the  head,  containing  geometric  designs  and  convention- 
alized figures  of  fishes  and  bii’ds,  and  the  straight  cylinder  with  a 
slightly  narrowed  waist. 

Drums  are  still  being  made  for  the  Karen  by  the  Shan  people 
at  the  village  of  Nwedaung,  near  Loikaw  in  Karenni.  I have  never 
witnessed  the  process,  but  Mr.  Franz  Heger  quotes  the  following 
account  of  it  from  a letter  written  in  1884  by  Dr.  Anderson,  of 
the  Calcutta  Museum,  who  acknowledges  his  indebtedness  for 
his  information  to  a Mr.  Lilly,  of  Rangoon.  This  information  agrees 
with  descriptions  given  by  others  who  have  visited  the  place:  “A 
clay  core  is  first  made  of  the  size  of  the  inside  of  the  gong  and  on 
this  wax  is  placed  and  correctly  modeled  to  the  exact  shape  and  cov- 
ered with  appropriate  ornamentation.  When  the  wax  model  is  fin- 
ished, fire-clay  and  water  are  dashed  on  the  face  of  the  wax  with  a 


BRONZE  DRUMS 


125 


A Bronze  Drum  Owned  by  Rev.  A.  V.  B.  Crumb,  of  Toungoo 


Head  of  Mr.  Crumb’s  Drum 


126 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


brush.  The  clay  and  water,  being  thrown  with  great  force,  pene- 
trate into  the  small  hollows  and  angles  of  the  wax.  When  a suffi- 
cient thickness  of  clay  has  been  added  in  this  way,  a coarse  clay  is 
laid  on  outside  to  give  strength.  The  wax  is  then  melted  out  and 
the  mould  made  nearly  red-hot.  The  metal  is  then  poured  in.”  ® 

Whether  the  Karen  ever  cast  their  own  drums  is  a question 
not  yet  settled,  and  one  that  will  be  very  difficult  to  determine. 
Certain  it  is  that  their  other  possessions  are  generally  rude  and 
lacking  in  decoration.  If  they  were  once  able  to  produce  articles  of 
such  artistic  merit  as  these  drums,  they  must  have  been  more 
advanced  than  we  now  find  them  and  have  lost  accomplishments 
which  their  ancestors  possessed  in  a more  vigorous  northern  clime, 
before  they  migrated  to  their  present  abode  and  became  dependent 
upon  their  more  thrifty  neighbors  for  their  present  supply. 

If  a more  careful  study  of  these  drums  and  their  uses,  both 
among  the  Karen  and  the  other  tribes  of  Indo-China,  can  be  made, 
it  may  yet  be  possible  to  throw  new  light  on  the  relation  of  these 
peoples  and  to  supply  historical  data  that  has  been  long  sought. 

® Heger,  Alte  Mctalltromm-eln  aus  Sudost-Asien^  227,  ff.  The  quotation  goes  on  to  say 
that  “the  frogs  on  the  top  of  the  drums  are  cast  in  one  piece  which,  considering  the  thinness  of 
the  metal,  is  a good  example  of  Karen  art.”  I think  the  author  of  this  account  is  mistaken  in 
ascribing  the  manufacture  of  these  drums  to  the  Karen.  It  has  always  been  said  in  recent  times 
that  the  Shan  are  the  makers  of  them. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 
Political  Arrangements 

The  Karen  race  does  not  possess  what  may  be  termed  social 
solidarity.  It  is  broken  up  into  many  tribes,  some  of  which  differ 
considerably  from  others,  as,  for  instance,  the  Brecs  of  Karenni 
and  the  Sgaw  Karen  of  Lower  Burma.  There  is,  however,  enough 
similarity  of  dialects  and  traditions,  as  well  as  of  religion  and  cus- 
toms, to  make  it  certain  that  they  really  belong  together  and  are 
descended  from  a common  ancestry.  Even  the  individual  tribes  do 
not  consist  of  compact  groups  of  clans.  To  be  sure,  there  is  more 
cohesion  among  the  members  of  one  tribe  than  among  those  of 
different  tribes  ; but  the  village  rather  than  the  tribe  has  the  greater 
claim  upon  their  adherence.  In  the  days  before  the  British  con- 
quest and  annexation  of  Burma  ^ — when  the  country  received  a sta- 
ble government  that  put  an  end  to  feuds  and  petty  warfare — the 
village  was  the  political  unit.  In  the  village  the  houses  were  ranged 
side  by  side,  or  else,  as  in  the  Pegu  Hills,  all  the  families  of  the  little 
community  lived  within  what  may  be  called  the  village-house,  each 
family  having  its  living-room  opening  off  of  the  common  corridor. 
Everybody  was  thrown  into  intimate  contact  with  everybody  else 
in  the  village.  Politically  and  socially  the  village  was  the  center 
of  their  common  life.  The  family  group,  the  natural  unit  of  kin- 
ship, although  not  always  confined  to  the  village,  was  economically 
and  politically  subordinate  to  it. 

In  the  village  the  elders  (“phga  tha  phga,”  literally,  the  old 
men)  were  looked  up  to  as  connecting  the  village  life  with  the  past, 

1 The  British  conquest  of  Burma  was  accomplished  in  three  wars,  each  of  which  was 
brought  on  by  the  arrogance  and  stupidity  of  the  Burmese  kings  and  their  high-handed  deal- 
ings with  British  subjects.  The  First  Burmese  War  (1824-26)  resulted  in  the  ceding  of  the 
provinces  of  Tenasserim  and  Arakan  to  the  British,  in  the  former  of  which  there  was  a con- 
siderable Karen  population.  The  Second  Burmese  War  (1852-53)  ended  with  the  annexation  of 
the  country  of  Pegu  or  Lower  Burma,  in  which  dwell  the  great  body  of  the  Karen  people  in 
Burma  ; and  the  remainder  of  the  territory  ruled  by  the  despotic  Burmese  kings  came  to  enjoy 
the  privileges  of  the  Indian  Empire  after  a single  short  campaign  of  only  two  months’  duration 
in  1885,  known  as  the  Third  Burmese  War.  Soon  after  this  an  orderly  government  was  es- 
tablished throughout  what  is  now  known  as  the  province  of  Burma : Sir  J.  G.  Scott,  Burma, 

A Handbook,  190-206. 


127 


128 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


in  which  all  wisdom  and  culture  were  supposed  to  have  been  reveal- 
ed. The  older  the  man,  provided  he  had  not  begun  to  show  too  evi- 
dent signs  of  decay,  the  wiser  and  more  worthy  of  reverence  he  was 
thought  to  be.  These  old  men  repeated  to  the  younger  generation 
the  “sayings  of  the  elders”  that  had  descended  to  them  from  former 


generations.  They  were  consulted  on  all  occasions,  and  their  advic« 
was  usuallj"  followed. 

Above  the  elders  was  the  village  chief  (“th’kaw”  or  “s’kaw”). 
He  was  actually  the  chief  man  in  the  village.  His  position  was 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


129 


usually  heriditary,  but  he  might  have  no  son  or  nephew  to  succeed 
him.  In  that  case  the  elders  chose  one  of  their  own  number  as  his 
successor.  In  so  far  as  the  villagers  obeyed  any  authority  at  all, 
they  obeyed  him.  They  generally  observed  his  commands,  although 
he  possessed  no  well-defined  jurisdiction.  Ordinary  quarrels,  dis- 
putes relating  to  land,  questions  concerning  the  ownership  of  ani- 
mals, etc.,  were  referred  to  him  for  settlement.  In  most  instances 
his  court  was  a free  and  informal  meeting  of  villagers  and  elders ; 
and  his  decision,  incorporating  the  opinion  of  the  latter,  would  have 
the  sanction  of  the  group  and  be  accepted  by  the  parties  concerned. 
He  was  the  patriarch  of  the  village,  and  often  its  high  priest  as 
well.  A foray  would  not  be  undertaken  without  his  consent.  He 
was  accorded  the  place  of  honor  in  the  family  living-room,  which 
was  usually  the  mat  on  the  side  facing  eastward.  If  his  rule  be- 
came extremely  displeasing  to  the  villagers,  they  quietly  went  to  a 
different  site  from  that  chosen  hy  him  at  the  time  of  the  annual 
migration  of  the  village.  Thus,  he  would  be  left  with  only  those 
who  remained  loyal  to  him,  usually  his  relatives.  The  other  fam- 
ilies were  now  free  to  select  a new  chief  or  headman. 

The  chief  levied  no  taxes.  He  tilled  his  field  like  his  fellow 
villagers.  He  often  received  gifts  of  choice  game,  fruit,  or  grain; 
but  these  were  largely  a tribute  to  his  personal  popularity.  If  the 
village  was  about  to  engage  in  a raid,  he  might  assess  the  people 
for  the  purpose  of  fitting  out  the  expedition ; but  this  would  bring 
him  no  direct  personal  benefit,  unless  he  was  the  organizer  of  it 
himself.  The  Karen  had  no  caste  of  chiefs,  no  royal  family,  or  even 
a privileged  social  class.  Every  member  of  the  community  shared 
alike  in  the  ordinary  tasks  and  the  privations  or  prosperity  of  the 
seasons. 


Community  Life 

Wealth  formed  the  only  basis  of  social  distinctions  in  the  vil- 
lage life.  But  this  made  little  difference  in  outward  conditions. 
The  land  was  free  and  belonged  to  the  community.  Every  man  was 
at  liberty  to  take  for  his  own  use  as  many  acres  of  hillside  as  he 
could  fell.  On  this  score  there  was  little  chance  for  inequality. 
However,  the  accumulation  of  money,  which  in  the  early  days  was 
represented  by  silver  ingots,  later  by  rupees,  enabled  one  to  pur- 
chase buffaloes  or  cattle  or  even  an  elephant,  although  the  last  was 
more  often  caught  than  bought.  The  ownership  of  a bronze  drum 
brought  more  distinction  to  a family  than  that  of  seven  elephants. 


130 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


But  these  forms  of  wealth  brought  with  them  only  more  or  less 
prestige  within  the  single  stratum  comprising  the  entire  com- 
munity. 

There  was  little  occasion  for  individual  initiative  among  the 
Karen,  on  account  of  the  important  part  played  by  communal  ac- 
tivity amongst  them.  One  could  claim  no  particular  credit  for  his 
deeds  of  blood  on  a raid.  That  belonged  rather  to  the  organizer 
and  leader  of  the  foray.  One  never  set  out  on  a journey  or  at- 
tempted any  special  work  alone.  In  some  sections  it  was  the  cus- 
tom for  the  chief  to  beat  a gong  or  blow  a horn  as  the  signal  to  go 
to  the  fields.  Every  one  went  at  the  signal.  None  would  go  without 
it.  If  a supply  of  fish  was  wanted,  instead  of  an  individual  taking 
his  or  her  rod  and  going  alone  to  catch  them,  the  whole  village,  or 
as  many  of  its  members  as  were  free  to  do  so,  would  join  in  a fish- 
ing expedition,  first  gathering  the  herbs  to  poison  the  water  if  the 
fish  were  to  be  taken  in  that  way,  or  carrying  along  their  funnel- 
shaped  baskets  with  which  to  work  the  bottom  of  a shallow  stream, 
or  going  prepared  to  resort  to  whatever  other  method  they  thought 
suitable  to  the  time  and  place.  Likewise  hunting  was  commonly 
conducted  as  a drive  for  game  in  which  all  might  participate,  at 
least  all  the  men ; and  a motley  variety  of  implements  was  brought 
out  for  the  purpose,  including  nets,  crossbows,  spears,  knives,  and 
perhaps  an  old  rusty  gun.  Thus  they  hunted  and  fished  together, 
as  they  often  do  still.  Even  those  who  failed  to  go  were  not  left 
out  in  the  division  of  the  spoils,  if  they  managed  to  be  present  at 
the  proper  time,  and  they  usually  did. 

This  communal  sharing  was  so  much  the  order  of  the  day  that 
personal  rights  were  more  or  less  disregarded.  If  a man  got  a 
few  seeds  and  planted  a garden  near  his  house,  he  was  fortunate, 
as  is  sometimes  still  the  case  in  the  hills,  if  he  gathered  half  the 
crop  he  had  planted.  His  neighbors,  asking  no  leave,  helped 
themselves  generously  without  hesitation  and  perhaps  without  in- 
tending to  steal. 

While  one’s  personal  rights  were  thus  disregarded,  they  were 
not  entirely  ignored.  A man’s  field  or  “hkii”  and  his  betel  gardens 
were  his  own  ; and  his  paddy-bins,  which  may  have  been  built  in  the 
jungle  a mile  from  the  village,  were  respected.  If  he  marked  with 
a bunch  of  grass  a tree  in  which  he  had  discovered  a hive  of  wild 
bees,  no  one  would  attempt  to  rob  it  of  its  honey.  Many  of  the 
Karen  people  are  like  children  in  their  regard  for  the  rights  of 
other  persons : they  understand  and  abide  by  the  law  of  established 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


131 


usage,  but  they  are  somewhat  puzzled  by  new  situations  and  in 
such  cases  are  apt  to  give  themselves  the  benefit  of  the  doubt. 
Stealing,  such  as  appropriating  paddy  from  a bin  or  leading  off 
another’s  ox  or  taking  somebody’s  money,  is  severely  dealt  with 
among  the  Karen.  But  carrying  away  a small  trinket  that  takes 
the  eye,  either  with  or  without  the  owner’s  permission,  is  not  con- 
sidered important  enough  to  be  noticed. 

The  Women 

Among  races  less  advanced  than  the  Karen  the  attention  of 
the  men  is  almost  entirely  taken  up  with  warfare  and  hunting, 
while  the  work  about  the  house  and  village  is  left  to  the  women. 
The  Karen  have  not  progressed  far  enough  beyond  primitive  condi- 
tions for  the  men  to  assume  all  the  burdens  of  the  home  life  that 
properly  fall  to  the  stronger  sex.  The  men  still  feel  their  superior- 
ity and  remain  idle,  while  the  women  do  work  too  heavy  for  them. 
Even  apart  from  the  care  of  the  children,  the  women  bear  the 
heavy  end  of  the  burden.  They  are,  to  be  sure,  accepted  as 
necessary  and  useful  members  of  the  family,  but,  none  the  less, 
the  men  consider  themselves  dishonored  if  brought  into  close  con- 
tact with  a woman’s  garment  or  compelled  to  appear  in  any  way 
subordinate  to  a female.  They  will  not,  or  would  not  in  the  olden 
days,  go  under  a house,  lest  they  should  have  to  pass  under  a 
woman.  In  this  respect  they  entertain  feelings  similar  to  those  of 
Burmese  men. 

As  housekeeper  the  Karen  woman’s  work  is  by  no  means  con- 
fined within  the  irregular  partitions  of  her  living-room  or  house. 
She  draws  the  water,  which  means  in  the  hills  that  she  must  de- 
scend to  the  stream  and  carry  up  the  family  supply  in  bamboo 
joints  hung  by  strings  across  her  head.  She  has  been  trained  to 
do  this  from  the  time  she  was  so  small  that  she  could  only 
struggle  up  the  hillside  with  one  undersized  bamboo  at  her  side. 
Usually  she  has  her  little  girls’  help  in  this  daily  task.  (See  p.  140.) 
She  must  pound  and  winnow  the  paddy,  polish  it  in  a mortar,  wash 
it,  and  prepare  the  meals.  Either  she  brings  in  fagots  of  wood  and 
splits  it,  or  the  young  women  fetch  bundles  of  dry  bamboo  upon 
their  heads  and  stack  them  near  the  ladder  of  the  house.  (See  p. 
132.)  She  is  as  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  “dah”  (long  knife)  as  her 
husband.  When  the  meal  is  cooked  she  sets  it  out,  if  she  follows  the 
old  custom,  on  a wide  wooden  tray  or,  if  she  has  adopted  new  ways. 


132 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Young  Women  Bringing  in  Bamboo  Fuel,  Tharrawaddy  Hills 


Plains  Women  Bathing  in  the  Irrawaddy,  in  the  Lee  of  the  High-sterned 

Burmese  Boat 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


133 


on  a low  table.  The  pile  of  rice  on  the  tray  looks  like  a heap  of  snow. 
The  curries  or  condiments  are  placed  beside  the  tray  in  small  cups. 
The  members  of  the  family  usually  eat  together.  If  there  are  guests 
the  women  often  wait,  either  to  serve  in  case  the  supply  needs 
replenishing,  or  because  they  are  shy  about  eating  with  strangei’s. 

In  addition  to  attending  to  their  domestic  cares,  the  women  take 
their  place  beside  the  men  in  the  fields.  It  should  not  be  forgotten, 
however,  that  the  latter  can  cook  and  perform  the  work  usually 
assigned  to  women  more  readily  than  men  in  the  West  can.  In  the 
field  the  women  and  girls  assist  in  the  sowing,  planting,  and  trans- 
planting of  rice  on  the  plains,  as  well  as  in  the  reaping,  threshing, 
etc.,  doing  their  full  share  along  with  the  men.  They  tend  the  cot- 
ton and  vegetables  and  carry  the  greater  part  of  the  paddy  to  the 
storage-bins  and  from  these  to  their  homes.  The  only  work  I have 
seen  men  doing  that  I have  never  observed  being  done  by  women 
is  plowing. 

The  women  mingle  in  the  village  gatherings  and  take  part  in 
the  wedding  and  funeral  festivities,  their  share  in  the  latter 
being  specially  prominent.-  Their  position  in  their  own  families 
depends  largely  on  their  personal  character.  If  they  possess  strong 
personalities,  they  gain  considerable  prestige  and  exercise  influence 
accordingly.  The  older  they  grow  the  more  conservative  they  be- 
come, and  not  infrequently  the  opinions  of  a grandmother  will  keep 
a whole  family  from  bettering  its  condition  by  engaging  in  some 
new  occupation.  The  Karen  grandmother  holds  the  first  place  in 
the  family  at  the  “Bgha”  feast,  when  all  of  the  members  are  gath- 
ered together.  She  is  then  the  “Bgha  a’  hko.”  This  peculiar  po- 
sition of  hers  has  been  discussed  in  the  chapter  on  Feasts  to  the 
“Bgha.”  ^ Its  religious  significance  is  remarkable  and  may  be  a 
relic  of  matriarchal  government,  which  is  still  found  in  Tibet.  But 
it  does  not  appear  to  have  any  effect  on  the  social  position  of  the 
sex,  except  in  so  far  as  it  prevents  the  younger  members  of  the 
family,  both  men  and  women,  from  breaking  with  the  religious  and 
social  traditions  of  their  forefathers. 

In  the  olden  days  three  classes  of  people  were  condemned  “to 
live  without  the  camp.”  These  were  cohabiting  couples  who  had 
not  complied  with  the  marriage  rites,  widows,  and  orphans.  A 
couple  whose  union  had  been  formed  without  the  performance  and 


- See  Chapter  XX,  p.  202. 

2 See  Chapter  XXIV,  pp.  248,  249. 


134 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


sanction  of  the  recognized  marriage  ceremonies  were  ostracized  to 
the  extent  of  having  to  live  outside  of  the  village  stockade  or,  if 
they  belonged  to  a community  living  in  a single  village-house,  they 
were  required  to  occupy  a room  detached  from  the  main  building. 
The  two  other  classes  of  ostracized  persons,  namely,  widows  and 
orphans,  were  supposed  to  have  incurred  the  displeasure  of  their 
“Bgha,”  and  it  was  feared  that  their  misfortune  would  become  con- 
tagious if  they  were  allowed  to  remain  in  the  village.  That  is,  the 
“Bgha”  of  other  families  would  imitate  the  “Bgha”  of  the  widows’ 
and  orphans’  families  in  eating  the  “k’las”  of  other  husbands  and 
parents,  thus  depriving  the  village  of  more  of  its  members.  It  was 
believed  that  this  danger  could  be  avoided  by  driving  the  bereft 
ones  into  the  jungle  to  shift  for  themselves.  The  added  risk  of  the 
future  marriage  of  these  baneful  persons  was  taken  into  account. 
This  was  perhaps  negligible  in  the  case  of  the  widows,  but  the 
orphans  should  not  be  allowed  to  grow  up  with  other  children  to 
become  in  time  eligible  for  marriage  with  them.  Left  to  range 
through  the  jungle,  such  orphans,  if  they  survived,  generally 
developed  a daring  and  resourcefulness  that  inspired  the  ordinary 
folk  of  the  village  with  wonder.  Their  deeds  came  to  be  thought  of 
as  due  to  a supernatural  power.  In  short,  they  were  believed  to  be 
magicians.^ 

Family  Relationships 

In  the  chapter  on  Marriage  Customs  mention  is  made  of  the 
general  chastity  of  the  Karen  and  of  their  monogamous  marriages 
within  the  tribe.  The  rule  is  for  a man  to  have  one  wife ; but  now 
and  then  a secondary  wife  or  concubine,  known  as  a “ma  po  tha,”  is 
supported.  It  may  be  that  on  account  of  the  childlessness  of  the 
first  wife  the  new  connection  has  been  entered  into  for  the  sake 
of  offspring,  or  that  the  man  has  simply  followed  his  own  inclina- 
tions in  the  matter.  Such  unions  are  effected  without  the  formality 
of  marriage  ceremonies  and  are  not  recognized  by  Karen  society, 
being  entirely  irregular. 

Westerners,  accustomed  as  they  are  to  doing  their  own  court- 
ing, sometimes  wonder  how  happy  marriages  can  be  effected  in  the 
case  of  young  men  and  women  who  are  strangers  and  have  never 
met  perhaps  till  they  come  together  in  the  marriage  chamber.  We 
must  remember,  however,  that  with  a people  like  the  Karen  the 
physical  relationship  is  more  significant  than  the  spiritual.  Senti- 


^ See  Chapter  XXVI,  pp.  269-270. 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


135 


merit  cuts  little  or  no  figure  in  the  arrangement.  The  parties  to  a 
marriage  expect  to  live  together  and  take  the  affair  as  a matter  of 
course.  At  the  beginning  they  have  no  affection  for  each  other, 
but  through  parenthood  they  become  united  in  mutual  love  and,  as 
the  years  pass  while  their  family  grows  up  about  them,  they  are 
bound  together  as  securely  as  if  they  had  married  in  the  Occidental 
and  more  romantic  way. 

In  a Karen  family  children  are  desired  and  expected.  To  grow 
old  and  remain  childless  is  regarded  as  a great  misfortune.  Boys 
are  much  preferred,  but  girls  are  not  disliked  as  much  as  in  China 
and  some  other  parts  of  the  world  where  they  are  abandoned.  The 
child  early  accompanies  its  mother  to  the  field  or  wherever  she  may 
go.  In  infancy  it  is  slung  in  a blanket  on  her  back,  but  later  rides 
on  her  hip  until  long  after  it  is  able  to  walk.  (See  page  172.) 

Family  relationships  are  not  neglected  among  the  Karen  peo- 
ple, although  they  do  not  seem  to  keep  genealogical  records  or 
to  remember  ancestors  back  of  their  grandparents.  However,  they 
are  particular  in  taking  account  of,  and  displaying  regard  for,  their 
contemporary  relatives.  The  grandfather  and  grandmother,  both 
paternal  and  maternal,  are  called  “hpii”  and  “hpi,”  respectively. 
Great  uncles  and  great  aunts  receive  the  same  designations.  The 
father  and  mother  are,  respectively,  “pa”  and  “mo.”  Children  are 
called  “hpo,”  the  root  of  this  word  meaning  “little.”  Sons  are  “hpo 
hkwa”  and  daughters,  “hpo  mu.”  Contrary  to  the  Occidental  cus- 
tom of  grouping  brothers  and  sisters  according  to  sex,  a Karen 
ordinarily  groups  them  according  to  whether  they  are  younger  or 
older  than  himself.  Older  brothers  and  sisters  are  “weh”  and 
younger  “hpii.”  If  he  desires  to  specify  whether  they  are  male  or 
female,  he  employs  the  usual  masculine  and  feminine  designations, 
commonly  adding  one  or  the  other  of  the  words  given  above  for  son 
and  daughter.  Thus,  for  elder  sister  he  says  “weh  hpo  mii”  and 
for  younger  brother  “hpii  hpo  hkwa.”  While  there  are  definite 
words  for  cousin,  uncle,  and  aunt,  namely,  “t’khwa,”  “hpa  hti,”  and 
“miigha,”  respectively,  these  are  often  loosely  used.  Any  man  or 
woman  older  than  one’s  self  may  be  called  uncle  or  aunt  as,  for 
example,  among  the  negroes  in  the  United  States.  The  word  “weh,” 
signifiying  older  brothers  and  sisters,  as  also  the  correlative  word 
“hpii,”  designating  younger  brothers  and  sisters,  are  often  used  of 
cousins  and  more  distant  relatives.  For  instance,  a cousin,  called 
“weh,”  is  usually  one  whose  father  or  mother  was  an  older  brother 
or  sister  to  one  of  the  speaker’s  parents.  “Hpii”  would  similarly 


136 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


apply  to  the  son  or  daughter  of  a younger  brother  or  sister  of  one  of 
the  speaker’s  parents.  Grandchildren  are  “li,”  a word  that  is  also 
used  of  grandnephews  and  nieces.  In  conversations  with  individual 
Karens  I have  almost  never  heard  them  speak  of  relatives  back  of 
their  immediate  grandparents,  although  they  use  an  equivalent 
compound  for  our  designation,  great  grandfather.  They  likewise 
have  more  or  less  frequent  need  of,  and  a term  for,  great  grand- 
child, namely,  “lo.” 

Relationship  by  marriage  is  much  esteemed  among  the  Karen. 
It  is  designated  by  the  general  term  “do,”  which  is  sometimes  com- 
bined with  the  word  “daw.”  Thus,  a “daw  do”  is  a person  related 
to  one  by  marriage.  This  relationship  is  often  talked  of  and  is  re- 
membered to  the  second  and  third  generation.  It  is  not  an  un- 
common thing  for  the  usual  terms  for  brothers,  sisters,  and  cous- 
ins to  be  adopted  for  those  standing  in  the  “daw  do”  relationship 
to  a family. 


Blood-brotherhood 

In  the  early  days  the  Karen  cultivated  three  or  perhaps  only 
two  relationships  in  blood-brotherhood,  that  is,  brotherhood  by  the 
mingling  of  blood.  These  three  relationships  were  called  “do,” 
“tho,”  and  “mwi,”  respectively.  I should  say  at  once  that  person- 
ally I have  found  only  the  two  latter,  and  I note  that  in  Dr.  J. 
Wade’s  Karen  Dictionary  ® no  mention  is  made  of  the  “do”  relation. 
Hence,  the  query  has  arisen  in  my  mind  as  to  whether  or  not  there 
has  not  been  a confusion  of  “tho”  used  in  a different  tribe  with 
“do,”  in  somewhat  the  same  way  as  “th”  and  “d”  are  interchange- 
able consonants  in  the  Burmese  language.  I offer  this  explanation 
merely  for  what  it  is  worth  and  proceed  on  the  assumption,  until 
conclusive  evidence  is  adduced,  that  three  is  the  correct  number 
of  relationships  in  blood-brotherhood. 

Writing  back  in  1868,  Dr.  Mason  describes  the  “do”  relation 
substantially  as  follows:®  “The  first  and  strongest  and  most  sacred 
of  these  relationships  is  that  of  ‘do,’  which  is  entered  into  in  the 
following  way.  Of  the  two  persons  desiring  to  enter  into  relation- 
ship the  one  at  home  takes  a hog  or  a chicken,  cuts  off  the  snout  or 
bill,  rubs  the  flowing  blood  on  the  legs  of  the  other  and,  in  case  a 
fowl  was  used,  attaches  some  of  its  feathers  or  down  to  the  drying 


® Dr.  J.  Wade.  D.D.,  .4  Dictloyiarij  of  the  S(/aw  Karen  Language. 
Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XXXVII,  159. 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


137 


blood.  They  then  consult  the  chicken’s  thigh-bones  to  see  whether 
or  not  the  auspices  are  favorable.  If  they  are  favorable,  they  say : 
“ ‘We  will  grow  old  together; 

We  will  visit  each  other’s  houses ; 

We  will  go  up  each  other’s  steps.’ 

“The  visitor  then  kills  a hog  or  a fowl  and  performs  the  same 
rites  on  the  other.  On  consulting  the  chicken  bones,  if  the  fowl’s 
bones  are  unfavorable,  he  says : 

“ ‘We  will  die  separately ; 

We  will  go  separately ; 

We  will  work  separately ; 

We  will  not  visit  each  other’s  houses ; 

We  will  not  go  up  each  other’s  steps ; 

We  will  not  see  each  other  but  for  a short  time.’  ” 

If  the  auspices  are  favorable,  the  two  agree  that  they  have 
entered  into  this  relation  of  “do.”  They  regard  themselves  pledged 
to  each  other  as  friends  and  bound  to  help  each  other  in  any  manner 
necessary  as  long  as  they  shall  live.  They  call  each  other  only  by 
the  name  “do.”  In  seasons  of  famine  one  aids  the  other  to  the  extent 
of  his  ability.  In  case  evil  is  spoken  of  one,  the  other  defends 
him,  saying:  “That  man  is  my  ‘do.’  Do  not  speak  evil  of  him.  To 
do  so  is  to  speak  evil  of  me.  I do  not  wish  to  hear  it.” 

Formerly  it  was  the  custom  for  many  to  multiply  their  “dos” 
in  numerous  villages,  so  that  they  might  receive  hospitality  wher- 
ever they  went  and,  in  case  of  the  planning  of  forays  against  some 
village,  the  “dos”  might  learn  of  it  from  their  adopted  brethren  in 
other  such  communities.  It  is  said  that  “dos”  rarely  quarreled,  but 
remained  faithful  to  each  other.  The  institution  seemed  to  exert  a 
favorable  influence  on  wild  Karen  society.  Finally,  Dr.  Mason  adds : 
“It  may  be  compared  to  Masonry  with  its  secrets.” 

The  relationship  named  “tho”  is  formed  by  two  men  wishing 
to  become  brothers,  by  each  drawing  a little  blood  from  his  fore- 
arm, mingling  it  in  the  same  cup,  and  drinking  therefrom.  For- 
merly the  chicken  bones  were  inspected  in  connection  with  this 
ceremonial,  although  nowadays  they  are  not  always  used.  This 
is  a lifelong  relationship  and  binds  each  to  defend  the  other.  From 
the  time  of  the  mutual  adoption  each  calls  the  other  “tho,”  and 
each  speaks  of  the  other  by  the  same  name. 

The  third  relationship,  “mwi,”  is  one  that  may  be  mutually 
assumed  by  two  young  men,  two  young  women,  or  a young  man 


138 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


and  a young  woman.  If  the  relationship  is  formed  by  the  latter, 
they  probably  have  met  at  a funeral  celebration  and  become  inter- 
ested in  each  other.  The  ceremonial  requires  each  of  the  pair  to 
twist  seven  strands  of  cotton  into  a cord  to  serve  as  a necklace. 
The  youth  first  puts  his  cord  over  the  young  woman’s  head,  taking 
great  care  not  to  touch  her  head-dress  or  person.  In  similar  fashion 
the  young  woman  slips  her  cord  over  the  young  man’s  head.  Prob- 
ably a formula  was  originally  repeated  in  confirmation  of  this  dual 
action.  If  so,  it  has  vanished  together  with  any  consultation  of  the 
chicken  bones  that  may  have  taken  place.  The  cords  must  be  worn 
seven  days  without  being  broken  or  removed,  lest  the  agreement 
be  made  void.  Thereafter  they  address  each  other  only  as  “mwi.” 
The  relation  thus  established  does  not  allow  one  to  take  any  liber- 
ties with  the  other,  but  rather  tends  to  the  safeguarding  of  each  as 
if  they  were  brother  and  sister.  The  relationship  is  supposed  to  be 
for  life,  but  does  not,  of  course,  prevent  the  separation  of  the  two 
by  a greater  or  less  distance.  In  such  an  event,  when  one  goes  into 
the  neighborhood  of  the  other,  a present  is  taken  along  for  one’s 
“mwi.”  Often  mementoes  or  gifts  are  exchanged  when  the  com- 
pact is  first  made.  It  is  current  usage  for  school  friends  to  call  one 
another  “mwi”  without  any  ceremony,  but  simply  in  token  of  kindly 
regard. 


The  Guest-chamber  and  Club-room 

In  the  earlier  days  among  the  Karen  of  the  hills  the  “blaw” 
was  an  important  feature  of  village  life.'^  It  is  still  retained,  al- 
though it  seems  to  have  lost  some  of  its  former  significance.  It 
is  the  guest  and  club-room  reserved  in  the  central  part  of  the 
village-house.  Strangers  coming  in  for  a visit  or  passing  by  on 
their  journey  are  entertained  here.  Such  a convenience  was 
quite  necessary  in  the  days  w’hen  the  tabu  of  the  “Bgha”  feast 
was  strictly  observed,  and  no  outsider  was  allowed  to  enter  the 
family-rooms.  My  party  and  I have  been  entertained  in  the  “blaw” 
of  villages  in  the  Pegu  Hills  on  the  Tharrawaddy  side,  while  on 
tour.  In  one  village,  which  had  adopted  some  Buddhist  practices, 
along  one  side  of  the  guest-room  extended  a high  shelf  upon  which 
stood  a small  image  of  Gautama  Buddha,  with  the  usual  offerings 
of  paper  flage  and  wilted  leaves  and  flowers.  At  the  back  of  the 
room  was  the  raised  dais  on  which  I spread  my  bed,  but  I was  pre- 

" In  Sir  J.  G.  Scott’s  Burma,  A Handbook,  p.  123,  this  institution  is  referred  to  under  the 
name  of  “haw.*’  See  also  Upper  Burma  Gazetteer^  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  539,  ff. 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


139 


vented  from  enjoying  a good  night’s  rest  by  the  number  of  other 
occupants.  My  cook  prepared  my  meals  at  the  little  fireplace  in  the 
middle  of  the  room.  The  villagers  sat  about  and  visited  with  us. 
When  meal-time  came  the  women  and  girls  brought  in  their  gen- 
erous supplies  of  food,  consisting  of  two  large  trays  piled  high 
with  snow-white  steaming  rice,  besides  smaller  trays  and  bowls 
filled  with  several  kinds  of  curry,  “ngape”  water,  and  vegetables. 
The  visitors  were  expected  to  eat  something  from  every  dish.  While 
the  meal  was  in  progress  the  hosts  withdrew,  except  one  or  two 
elders,  the  women  returning  afterwards  to  clear  away  the  dishes 
and  uneaten  food  with  the  polite  remark  that  their  guests  had  eaten 
very  little.  Many  shared  in  receiving  us ; and  we  were  spared  the 
embarrassment,  not  to  say  the  danger  according  to  our  belief,  of 
violating  the  tabu  that  prevented  our  being  entertained  at  the  time 
by  a family  in  their  own  quarters. 

Besides  serving  as  a guest-chamber,  the  “blaw”  has  another 
important  use,  namely,  as  the  gathering-place  for  the  young  men 
of  the  village.  When  a boy  becomes  a youth  (“hpo  tha  hkwa  taw”), 
he  is  expected  to  spend  his  leisure  time  in  his  parents’  room,  work- 
ing and  eating  with  them,  as  seems  to  be  the  custom.  When  evening 
comes,  he  repairs  to  the  “blaw”  to  be  with  his  fellows  and  to  sleep 
there.  This  is  a custom  that  is  common  among  the  Kachins  of 
Burma  and  many  other  tribes  of  the  Orient.  Among  the  Kachins 
the  “blaw”  is  a place  of  license.  The  Brecs  also  allow  a great  deal 
of  liberty  to  their  young  people,  and  evidently  advantage  of  it  is 
taken  by  them.  But  among  the  Sgaw  Karens,  at  any  rate,  the  girls 
remain  with  their  mothers.  There  is  no  common  room  for  the  girls, 
or  any  place  where  both  youths  and  maidens  may  meet  for  re- 
strained intercourse.  No  doubt  among  the  Karen  the  use  of  the 
“blaw”  as  a club-room  is  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  young  men 
together  and  separating  them  from  the  young  women,  thus  pre- 
venting offence  of  the  “by  na,”  which  would  bring  a curse  upon  the 
soil  and  damage  to  the  crops. 

It  has  never  been  possible  for  parents  to  prevent  all  social 
intercourse  between  young  people  of  the  opposite  sexes.  In  fact, 
it  has  hardly  ever  been  attempted.  As  is  shown  elsewhere  in  this 
volume,  there  are  occasions  among  the  Karen  when  the  sexes 
mingle,  for  example,  on  fishing  expeditions  and  at  marriages,  funer- 
als, etc.  If,  however,  a youth  desires  to  visit  a maiden,  etiquette 
prescribes  the  way:  he  must  take  his  harp  (“t’na”),  appear  before 
her  house,  and  serenade  her.  Sitting  down,  he  sings  to  the  accom- 


140 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Carkying  Watkr  in  Bamboo  Joints 
Pegu  Hills,  Tharrawaddy  District. 

When  the  village  is  on  the  high  bank  of  a creek,  it  is  no  easy  work 
to  labor  up  with  six  or  eight  of  these  bamboos  full  of  water.  The 
strings  holding  the  joints  are  of  bark  fibre.  Both  these  girls  are 
wearing  Burmese  jackets  under  their  Karen  “hses.” 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS 


141 


paniment  of  his  instrument.  If  she  replies  to  his  request  to  be 
permitted  to  visit  with  her,  she  does  so  on  the  jew’s-harp  (“t’xe”), 
answering  him  in  verse.  He  than  mounts  the  ladder  and  they  visit 
together,  either  singing  over  “htas”  already  familiar  to  them  or, 
if  skilled  in  improvising,  putting  their  own  thoughts  into  rhyme. 
If  too  long  an  interval  should  elapse  without  the  sound  of  either 
instrument,  the  elders  would  very  likely  put  in  an  appearance  to 
find  out  the  reason. 

Slavery 

Slavery  no  longer  exists  among  the  Karen ; but  when  it  did,  it 
was  incidental  to  war.  The  British  acquisition  of  Lower  Burma 
during  the  thirty  years  before  1886  brought  with  it  the  cessation  of 
village  raids  and  tribal  conflicts  in  which  the  captives  taken  might, 
and  frequently  did,  become  slaves.  Such  captives  were  treated  ac- 
cording to  the  changing  whims  of  their  masters.  When  first 
brought  in  they  might  be  harangued  by  the  leader  of  the  victorious 
war-band,  in  case  he  chose  to  denounce  them  for  starting  the  war 
and  to  recount  all  the  alleged  or  real  wrongs  they  and  their  peo- 
ple had  inflicted  upon  him  and  his  village.  The  proof  of  their  guilt 
lay  in  their  capture.  While  being  kept  in  captivity  they  were  sub- 
ject to  rough  treatment,  such  as  beating  and  wounds,  which  might 
be  preliminary  to  their  being  killed.  If  they  were  spared  and  not 
redeemed  within  a short  time,  they  were  either  kept  as  slaves  or  sold 
to  traders,  who  might  be  other  Karens  or  Shans.  Old  people  were 
not  marketable,  and  it  was  difficult  to  find  buyers  for  them  at  any 
price.  Men  and  women  in  the  prime  of  life,  that  is,  between  the 
ages  of  thirty  and  forty  years,  brought  about  one  hundred  rupees 
each ; young  men  and  maidens,  approximately  three  hundred  rupees 
each,  and  boys  and  girls  from  twelve  to  fifteen  years,  who  were  con- 
sidered the  most  valuable,  sold  for  four  hundred  rupees  each.  Such 
prices  did  not  always  prevail,  for  Mr.  Mason  in  1868  reported  that 
once,  when  he  was  in  Karenni,  he  saw  two  Shan  women  brought  in 
and  sold  at  fourteen  rupees  apiece. 

While  slavery  was  a recognized  institution  among  the  Karen,  it 
does  not  seem  to  have  become  a rigid  system.®  When  the  cap- 
tives were  redeemed,  they  returned  to  their  previous  status  of 

® This  mild  form  of  slavery,  which  we  find  previously  existing  among  the  Karen,  seems 
rather  general  among  some  of  the  other  peoples  in  the  neighboring  regions,  as  in  Borneo:  see 
Hose  and  MacDougal,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo^  Vol.  I,  71,  ff,  and  Cole,  Wild  Tribes  of  the  Davao 
District  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  96,  182. 


142 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


tribesmen.  When  they  were  not  redeemed,  they  appear  to  have 
lived  on  under  the  control  of  their  masters,  but,  as  time  went  on, 
became  more  and  more  accepted  as  members  of  their  masters’  fam- 
ilies, while  the  children  of  the  slaves  became  ordinary  villagers.  In 
other  words,  the  form  of  slavery  that  existed  among  the  Karen  did 
not  lead  to  the  permanent  establishment  of  a slave  class  in  the 
tribal  organization. 


CHAPTER  XV 


LAWS  AND  PRECEPTS 

The  Burmese  were  accustomed  to  telling  early  travelers  in  their 
country  that  the  Karen  had  no  laws  or  government.  But  this 
statement  was  wrong.  The  investigations  of  Dr.  Mason  some  sixty 
years  ago  brought  to  light  a considerable  body  of  unwritten  regu- 
lations that  were  preserved  in  memory  and  handed  down  by  word 
of  mouth.  The  Karen  have  no  knowledge  of  an  early  lawgiver 
among  their  people,  unless  their  traditions  of  “Y’wa”  might  be  re- 
garded as  pointing  to  him  as  having  exercised  such  a function.  These 
regulations,  which  are  cherished  as  the  sayings  of  the  elders,  con- 
sist of  definite  precepts  that  deal  with  various  social  relations  and 
obligations,  the  cultivation  of  certain  traits  of  character  and  the 
suppression  of  their  opposites,  the  prevention  of  crime,  the  punish- 
ment of  evil-doers,  etc.  I have  already  remarked  in  the  chapter  on 
Social  Conditions  that  the  unit  of  political  and  social  life  among  the 
Karen  is  the  village.^  In  consequence,  the  village  chief  is  the  high- 
est civil  authority  in  his  little  community.  In  the  early  days  a chief 
of  strong  personality,  such  as  Saw  Lapaw  of  Bawlake  or  East  Kar- 
enni,  would  extend  his  control  over  several  villages  and  perhaps 
weld  them  into  a kind  of  state;  but,  unless  this  son  and  heir  pos- 
sessed an  equally  dominating  nature,  the  fabric  would  fall  apart  as 
soon  as  the  controlling  hand  was  removed.  The  organization  of  the 
village  was  patriarchal,  but  the  government  was  really  democratic. 
The  elders  of  the  village  comprised  an  informal  council,  which  heard 
all  communal  business  and  talked  matters  over  with  the  chief,  who 
usually  expressed  their  opinion  in  rendering  his  decision.  As  a 
rule  there  was  at  least  one  man  in  every  village  who  was  especially 
versed  in  the  ancient  lore,  laws,  and  customs,  civil  and  religious, 
and  who  repeated  them,  together  with  illustrative  stories,  to  some 
one  of  the  younger  generation  who  was  interested  in  learning  them. 
A village  without  such  a legal  authority  was  more  than  likely  to  be 
a concrete  example  of  the  proverb : “Where  there  is  no  smith,  the 
axes  are  soft.  Where  there  is  no  cock,  the  rooms  are  still.”  The 

^ See  ante,  p.  127.  What  follows  in  this  chapter  is  largely  condensed  from  Dr.  Mason’s 
article:  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XXXVII,  Pt.  II,  130-150. 


143 


144 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


inhabitants  of  such  a community  were  without  proper  guidance  in 
the  conduct  of  their  affairs.  They  were  left  unaided  by  the  ex- 
perience of  the  past.  The  elders  in  the  properly  instructed  villages 
were  the  custodians  of  the  ancient  laws,  which  they  were  not  sup- 
posed to  change  but  were  expected  to  transmit  exactly  as  they  had 
received  them. 

The  form  in  which  these  laws  have  been  handed  down  is  illus- 
trated by  the  following  saying  on  love : 

“Children  and  grandchildren,  love  one  another.  Do  not 
quarrel ; do  not  find  fault  with  each  other.  When  we  are  in  the 
village  we  are  separate  persons,  but  when  we  go  to  clear  the  fields 
we  are  brethren ; and  if  one  is  taken  sick  on  the  road  or  in  the 
jungle,  we  must  take  care  of  him.  We  must  look  after  each  other. 
When  we  cut  the  fields  we  are  brethren.  If  one  is  sick,  all  are 
sick.  If  one  dies,  all  die ; and  we  must  carry  his  body  back  to  his 
house  and  lay  it  in  the  hall,  that  his  brethren  may  see  and  his  wife 
and  his  children  may  see  that  he  is  dead.” 

Other  sayings  of  the  elders  are  expressed  in  language  similar 
to  that  just  quoted  and  deal  with  such  subjects  as  industry,  indo- 
lence, helping  the  poor,  widows  and  orphans,  evil-doers,  duty  to 
parents,  humility,  swearing,  covetousness,  partiality,  backbiting, 
hatred,  quarreling,  falsehood,  oppression,  theft,  exacting  fines,  kill- 
ing, famines,  etc.  Each  saying  or  precept  is  in  the  verbose  style 
of  the  one  given  above,  telling  the  younger  generations  what  they 
should  or  should  not  do.  Dr.  Mason  has  recounted  these  various 
sayings  at  length,  as  they  were  reported  to  him  by  a member  of  the 
Bwe  group  of  Karen  tribes.  The  sayings  thus  recorded  are  found 
to  be  similar  to  those  handed  down  among  the  Sgaw  and  other 
tribes.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  few  of  the  elders  on  the  plains 
can  repeat  them  at  the  present  time.  Dr.  Mason’s  record  covers 
some  twenty  pages  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal, 
but  I shall  content  myself  with  calling  attention  to  a few  salient 
points  in  the  precepts. 

The  one  on  famines  has  but  little  of  direct  import  to  say  about 
that  specific  subject.  It  reminds  the  “children”  that  the  elder 
has  seen  much  of  life  and  its  vicissitudes,  including  fires,  floods, 
plagues  of  rats,  and  massacres  by  Burmans  and  Talaigns.  He  has 
seen  one  man  invite  another  to  a meal,  in  order  to  accuse  him  of 
stealing  his  food  and  thus  have  an  excuse  for  selling  him  into 
slavery.  He  has  seen  a bronze  drum  exchanged  for  a sheaf  of  paddy 


LAWS  AND  PRECEPTS 


145 


and  a basket  of  grain  sold  for  a basket  of  money.  He  has  seen  the 
people  dig  unhealthy  yams  and  suffer  from  eating  them.  In  the  last 
three  statements  the  elder  is  clearly  showing  the  effects  of  a great 
scarcity  of  grain,  both  on  the  price  one  had  to  pay  for  food  and  on 
the  people  who  were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  eating  bad  food. 
His  reference  to  fires,  floods,  plagues,  and  massacres  seem  intended 
to  suggest  the  causes  of  some  of  the  famines  that  have  come  under 
his  observation.  Notwithstanding  the  importance  of  the  subject  he 
is  dealing  with,  the  elder  addresses  no  exhortation  to  his  hearers, 
except  by  implication. 

The  precept  on  indolence  is  full  of  moralizing.  It  condemns 
laziness  and  enjoins  hard  work  in  order  to  obtain  paddy.  It  teaches 
the  people  to  do  their  work  with  cheerfulness  and  gladness,  as  also 
thoroughly  and  well.  “We  love  happiness,”  says  the  precept,  “and 
our  greatest  happiness  is  to  clear  our  fields  and  build  our  houses. 
Everything  is  in  the  earth.  Work  hard  with  the  hoe  to  dig  it  out, 
and  one  can  buy  drums  and  silver  and  other  things.  It  is  better 
to  work  for  wealth  than  to  obtain  it  by  raids  and  forays.”  This 
saying  overlooks  neither  the  spiritual  nor  material  rewards  of  labor. 

The  precept  on  helping  the  poor,  as  well  as  those  on  forni- 
cation and  adultery,  contain  references  to  famine,  indicating  that 
periods  of  extreme  dearth  of  food  must  have  been  of  frequent  oc- 
currence among  the  Karen.  Fornication  and  adultery  are  dreadful 
sins  because,  among  other  reasons,  they  produce  bad  crops  and 
scarcity  of  game.  In  times  of  famine  the  rich  should  help  the  poor, 
but  the  obligation  of  the  former  to  the  latter  seems  to  stop  there, 
so  far  as  the  sayings  of  the  elders  go.  The  admonition  to  help  the 
poor  is  as  follows : 

“Children  and  grandchildren,  work,  every  one  of  you,  and  be 
prepared  for  a time  of  famine.  Then,  when  a time  of  scarcity  or 
famine  comes,  let  not  the  rich  and  those  who  have  all  the  rice  and 
paddy  reject  the  poor  who  have  nothing,  that  you  may  not  lose 
your  honor  and  be  abused,  but  may  be  honored  and  respected. 
When  hard  times  come  and  there  is  famine  amongst  you,  let  the 
wealthy  help  those  who  have  nothing  with  which  to  buy  and  who 
can  not  borrow.” 

In  a similar  vein  the  people  are  urged  to  care  for  widows 
and  orphans  lest  other  countries,  hearing  of  their  mistreatment 
of  their  helpless  ones,  shall  abuse  them  and  call  them  poverty- 
stricken.  Even  if  there  are  rich  men  among  them,  others  will  not 


146 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


believe  it.  This  precept  does  not  appear  to  have  been  well  observed 
in  practice.^ 

Love  of  peace  is  enjoined,  because  it  conduces  to  happiness, 
long  life,  and  prosperity.  The  daughters  of  one  who  loves  peace. 


Dipping  Water  from  a Shallow  Stream 
These  little  girls  are  all  wearing  the  single  white  “hse,”  but  the  men  have 
their  loins  girded  up  after  the  Burmese  fashion. 


the  people  are  assured,  will  conduct  themselves  with  propriety,  and 
his  sons  will  live  happily.  Evil-doers  are  doomed  to  ruin  and  dis- 
aster. Their  “drums  will  become  the  property  of  others,  their 
daughters  will  become  slaves,  and  their  sons,  servants.  Their  lands 
will  be  destroyed,  and  their  countiy  will  come  to  destruction.  Evil- 
doers do  not  live  to  grow  old.” 

The  section  relating  to  duties  to  parents  recounts  the  many 
cares  of  parents  and  enlarges  on  the  expenditure  of  strength  and 
sympathy  by  the  mother  in  behalf  of  her  children.  The  deduction 
set  forth  is  that  children  should  care  for  their  parents  when  they 
grow  old  and  provide  them  with  food  and  drink.  Those  who  fail  in 
the  performance  of  such  filial  duties  will  suffer  for  their  sin,  and 


= See  pp.  134,  288. 


LAWS  AND  PRECEPTS 


147 


their  work  will  not  bring  success.  They  will  become  sickly,  weak, 
and  helpless. 

The  virtue  of  humility  is  extolled  at  length,  as  one  who  knows 
the  Karen  people  might  expect.  The  people  are  told  that  he  who 
does  not  humble  himself  but  exalts  himself,  who  regards  his  rela- 
tives with  disdain,  makes  forays,  is  extortionate,  beats  others  for 
nothing,  and,  in  general,  does  as  he  pleases,  will  die  young.  Such  a 
man  will  be  punished  by  the  Lord  of  heaven,  losing  his  drums  and 
money,  being  left  wretched  and  childless,  unable  to  work,  without 
means  to  purchase  anything,  and  to  die  without  apparent  cause. 

Cursing  is  condemned,  and  its  retributive  consequences  are 
shown  in  the  story  of  a man  who  was  the  father  of  ten  children 
and  cursed  one  of  his  brethren  without  a reason.  The  curse  did 
not  harm  the  one  on  whom  it  was  pronounced,  but  reacted  upon  the 
other,  causing  the  death  of  every  one  of  his  children.  Among  the 
other  evils  denounced  and  forbidden  are  covetousness,  partiality, 
backbiting,  hatred,  quarreling,  falsehood,  and  exacting  fines  for  the 
infringement  of  arbitrary  rules  or  for  trespass  on  one’s  property. 
The  condemnation  of  such  vices,  as  well  as  the  encouragement  of 
mutual  helpfulness,  filial  piety,  generosity  to  the  needy  and  helpless, 
and  fear  of  punishment  by  the  Lord  of  heaven,  show  that  the  Karen 
had  no  mean  standards  of  personal  conduct.  Whether  these  ideals 
were  lived  up  to  or  not  is  another  question.  In  fact,  cursing  a 
person  by  whom  one  had  been  injured  was  a recognized  form  of 
retaliation  and  punishment.  It  was  necessary  to  go  to  his  house, 
stand  in  front  of  his  door,  and  recite  certain  verses  imprecating 
him.  The  person  venting  his  wrath  must  do  this  three  evenings 
in  succession,  taking  with  him  on  the  third  evening  an  expiring 
fagot,  an  addled  egg,  and  the  scrapings  from  the  dish  out  of  which 
the  pigs  are  fed.  On  this  occasion  he  closes  his  imprecation  with 
the  words : “May  his  life  go  out  like  this  dying  fagot.  May  he  be 
without  posterity  like  this  egg.  May  his  end  be  like  the  refuse  of 
the  dishes.” 

Theoretically,  the  principle  of  the  old  Mosaic  law  of  a tooth  for 
a tooth  and  an  eye  for  an  eye  was  valid  among  the  Karen,  but  it 
was  tempered  in  the  sayings  of  the  elders  as  follows : “In  order  not 
to  subject  ourselves  to  fines  and  punishment,  we  must  allow  others 
to  treat  us  as  they  choose.  If  we  are  struck,  we  must  not  strike 
again.  If  one  strikes  your  head,  strike  the  floor.  If  some  one 
blinds  you,  do  not  blind  him  in  return.  The  long  is  before ; the  short 
is  behind  [that  is,  the  future  is  long;  the  past  is  short].  Love  of 


I 


148 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


peace  gives  a wide  space ; love  of  evil  gives  a narrow  space.  If  we 
want  evil,  it  is  present  even  before  all  the  water  has  run  out  of  a 
vessel  that  has  been  upset.” 

The  people  were  warned  not  to  commit  fornication  or  adultery. 
When  they  married  they  were  to  do  so  openly.  They  were  told  that 
if  they  were  guilty  of  fornication,  their  sons  and  their  daughters 
would  die  and  the  country  would  be  defiled  and  destroyed  on  their 
account.  The  begetting  of  illegitimate  children  was  declared  to 
be  displeasing  to  “Thi  Hko  Mu  Xa,”  the  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth, 
and  to  be  the  cause  of  irregularity  of  the  rains,  bad  crops,  failure 
of  seeds  and  vegetables  to  germinate,  disappointment  in  the  hunt, 
poverty,  and  slavery.  On  the  discovery  of  illicit  relations  between 
two  of  the  villagers  they  were  brought  before  the  elders,  who  re- 
quired the  guilty  persons  to  buy  and  kill  a hog  and  each  of  them 
to  dig  a furrow  in  the  ground  with  a leg  of  the  animal.  They  were 
then  to  fill  the  furrows  with  the  blood  of  the  hog,  after  which  they 
were  to  scratch  the  soil  into  little  holes  and  mounds  while  repeat- 
ing the  following  prayer:  “Lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  God  of  the 

mountains  and  hills.  I have  destroyed  the  productiveness  of  the 
country.  Do  not  be  angry  with  me,  do  not  hate  me ; but  have  mercy 
on  me  and  pity  me.  I now  repair  the  mountains.  I heal  the  hills  and 
the  streams  with  my  hands.  May  there  be  no  failure  of  crops,  no 
unsuccessful  labor,  or  unfortunate  efforts  in  my  country.  Let  them 
be  dissipated  on  the  distant  horizon.  Make  the  paddy  fruitful  and 
the  rice  abundant.  Cause  the  vegetables  to  flourish.  If  we  cul- 
tivate but  little,  may  we  obtain  but  little.”  When  each  of  the  guilty 
pair  had  completed  this  ceremonial,  they  said  that  they  had  made 
reparation  and  returned  to  their  houses.  In  Shwegyin,  however, 
such  culprits  were  driven  from  the  village  and  required  to  live 
outside.® 

Among  the  Bwes  it  was  customary  to  fine  adulterers,  unless 
they  were  single  or  widowed ; but  if  a wife  was  involved,  her  para- 
mour was  compelled  to  pay  a fine  to  the  injured  husband  and  take 
the  woman  as  his  wife,  the  former  husband  being  considered  di- 
vorced and  free  to  manw  again  with  the  money  he  had  received. 
In  case  a husband  was  found  guilty  of  adultery,  the  woman  con- 
cerned must  pay  a fine  to  the  injured  wife,  who  became  free  to 
contract  another  marriage. 

If  the  crops  were  poor,  the  villagers  suspected  that  it  was  due 
to  secret  sins  of  this  sort  and  felt  the  need  of  making  offerings  to> 


3 See  pp.  192,  287. 


LAWS  AND  PRECEPTS 


149 


appease  the  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth  and  to  find  out  the  guilty 
persons. 

On  the  subject  of  stealing  the  exhortation  of  the  elders  was 
not  to  steal,  destroy,  defraud,  or  act  dishonestly.  Such  deeds  are  by 
no  means  secret.  Even  though  unconfessed,  they  become  manifest 
in  the  ordeal  by  water  and  in  that  of  ascending  a tree.  The  God  of 
heaven  sees.  The  Lord  of  the  mountains  and  hills,  “Thi  Hko  Mii 
Xa,”  sees.  If  one  is  hungry,  one  should  work,  should  bend  the  back. 
If  one  wants  fish,  one  should  use  the  hand-net.  If  one  desires  game, 
let  one  repair  to  the  jungle  for  it.  Families  are  to  be  fed  in  this 
way,  not  by  stealing  or  by  running  into  debt. 

A person  who  had  been  caught  stealing  might  be  let  off,  if  it 
was  his  first  offense  and  he  restored  the  stolen  property  and  prom- 
ised to  reform.  If,  however,  he  became  a confirmed  thief,  he  was 
sold  into  slavery.  In  some  parts  of  the  Toungoo  district  it  was  not 
uncommon  for  one  guilty  of  stealing  to  pay  the  penalty  wdth  his  life. 
If  positive  proof  was  lacking  and  there  was  doubt  as  to  his  guilt, 
the  ordeal  by  water  was  resorted  to. 

Murder  was,  of  course,  utterly  condemned  in  the  sayings  of 
the  elders,  for  “man  is  not  like  the  beasts.  He  has  a Lord  and 
Master.  We  are  the  children  of  Thi  Hko,  of  Y’wa  who  created  us. 
Therefore,  do  not  kill  one  another.”  The  murderer  will  be  surren- 
dered to  the  Lord  of  the  lands  and  will  be  put  to  death.  He  can 
not  escape.  His  body  will  be  left  naked  in  the  fields,  and  the  vul- 
tures will  devour  it.  “These  things,”  the  elders  declare,  “have  we 
seen  with  our  own  eyes,  and  we  know  them,  and  they  have  often 
happened  among  us.”  However,  the  circumstances  under  which  a 
murder  was  committed  were  taken  into  account.  A homicide  at  a 
drunken  feast  was  considered  an  accident,  for  it  was  thought  that 
the  one  guilty  of  the  crime  would  not  have  committed  it  had  he 
been  sober.  No  cause  for  an  action  existed  in  such  a case. 

Men  killed  while  taking  part  in  a foi’ay  were  to  be  redeemed, 
that  is,  a fine  was  to  be  paid  for  them,  unless  the  leader  had  been 
excused  from  such  payment  in  advance. Likewise,  the  accidental 
death  of  a man  during  a trading,  hunting,  or  other  trip  undertaken 
at  the  request  of  another,  was  chargeable  to  the  latter,  because 
otherwise  it  would  not  have  occurred. 

The  recognized  way  of  bringing  to  justice  an  offender  who  was 
accused  of  causing  the  death  of  another,  was  for  the  near  relatives 


•*  See  p.  157. 


150 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


of  the  latter  to  take  active  measures  to  avenge  themselves.  A dy- 
ing father,  whose  condition  was  due  to  the  assault  of  an  enemy 
or  who  had  suffered  other  injury,  would  charge  his  sons  to  avenge 
his  wrong.  The  chief  and  the  elders,  recognizing  the  justice  of  the 
cause,  would  further  it  and  join  in  to  punish  the  guilty  inhabitant 
of  another  village.  As  a precaution  against  a fatal  accident  or  a 
secret  murder,  persons  were  not  allowed  to  have  in  their  possession 
dangerous  poisons  gathered  from  the  jungle.  Any  one  guilty  of  do- 
ing so  was  acting  unlawfully  and  was  condemned  by  the  elders  to 
be  bound  out  in  the  hot  sun  for  three  days.  He  had  also  to  destroy 
his  store  of  poisonous  herbs  and  to  promise  never  to  commit  the 
offense  again.  After  this  he  might  be  received  again  into  the 
village,  or  he  might  be  sold  into  slavery.  If  he  was  believed  guilty 
of  murder,  his  life  was  taken. 

There  appears  to  have  been  no  law  against  suicide,  and  per- 
haps for  this  reason,  as  well  as  others,  the  practice  w'as  once  com- 
mon among  the  people.  Nevertheless,  voluntary  self-destruction  is 
regarded  as  an  act  of  cowardice  and,  though  not  spoken  of  as  dis- 
pleasing to  the  spiritual  powers,  it  prevented  an  honorable  burial 
from  being  given  to  the  one  guilty  of  it.  Hanging  has  been  the 
usual  method  of  committing  the  act  among  the  Karens,  while  taking 
poison  has  been  the  common  means  of  suicide  among  the  Burmese. 
Incurable  diseases,  great  disappointment,  jealousy,  and  forcing  a 
young  woman  to  marry  some  one  she  dislikes,  have  been  the  usual 
causes  of  self-murder.  Dr.  Mason  mentions  a young  man  who  was 
able  to  recall  the  occurrence  of  twenty-five  suicides  in  a group  of 
villages  within  a period  of  fifteen  years.  At  the  present  time,  prob- 
ably on  account  of  outside  influences,  such  instances  are  rare  indeed. 

Inheritance  regulations  and  customs  are  not  definite  or  uniform 
among  the  Karen ; but  usually  property  is  divided  among  the  chil- 
dren, the  eldest  being  given  a little  more  than  the  others  and  the 
youngest  receiving  a slightly  smaller  share.  The  widow  has  no  legal 
right  to  anything,  although  she  generally  succeeds  in  retaining  the 
use  of  more  or  less  of  the  property  during  her  lifetime.  Should  she 
marry  again,  even  this  quasi-right  terminates.  The  second  husband 
can  not  appropriate  the  property  of  the  first,  nor  can  his  children 
share  it. 

It  seems  hardly  necessary  to  comment  on  the  worthy  ideals 
and  fundamental  principles  of  human  conduct  embodied  in  the  pre- 


LAWS  AND  PRECEPTS 


151 


cepts  of  the  elders,  which  we  have  been  discussing  in  this  chapter. 
They  constituted  a code  which,  if  it  had  been  observed,  would 
have  produced  a highly  developed  society,  in  so  far  as  the  virtues 
are  concerned.  But,  as  in  the  case  of  many  primitive  peoples,  the 
Karen  have  fallen  far  short  of  their  traditional  ideals,  a fact  mani- 
fest, I think,  from  the  record  presented  in  the  pages  of  this  volume. 
It  may  be  said  with  little  fear  of  contradiction,  however,  that  the 
Karen  have  more  nearly  lived  up  to  the  commonly  accepted  stand- 
ards of  human  conduct  than  some  of  the  other  peoples  dwelling  in 
their  vicinity. 


Buffaloes  at  Their  Daily  Bath 

Nothing  seems  to  delight  them  more  than  to  wallow  in  the  mud  or  swim  in  a 

stream. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


WARFARE  AND  WEAPONS 
Private  Forays 

Two  or  three  generations  have  elapsed  since  the  Karen  in 
Lower  Burma  indulged  in  their  old-time  warfare,  which  consisted 
of  forays  secretly  organized  and  carefully  executed  against  their 
enemies.  In  the  Toungoo  Hills  and  in  Karenni  these  raids  have  been 
suppressed  only  in  recent  years,  as  the  regions  named  have  been 
brought  more  fully  under  British  rule.  The  people  used  to  call  such 
expeditions  “ta  hseh  hsu  ma  beu,”  which  means  a strong  and  con- 
cealed thrust.  A foray  was  undertaken  by  an  individual  to  avenge 
a personal  wrong  committed  by  an  inhabitant  of  another  village. 
It  was  a recognized  method  of  settling  a grievance,  like  the  sheriff’s 
execution  of  the  judgment  obtained  in  a suit  at  law  in  a more  civ- 
ilized community.  The  conflict  was  not  one  between  village  and  vil- 
lage, but  between  personal  enemies.  The  man  who  inaugurated  the 
foray  set  up  his  spear  in  the  open  space  of  his  village  and  marked 
a white  line  half-way  up  on  the  spear  shaft.  Those  who  were  ready 
to  go  on  the  expedition  and  renounce  the  right  of  their  families 
to  an  indemnity  in  case  they  were  killed,  placed  their  marks  above 
the  half-way  line,  while  those  willing  to  join  without  making  this 
renunciation  added  their  marks  below  it.  Of  course,  the  chicken 
bones  had  to  be  consulted  both  as  to  the  feasibility  of  the  raid  and  a 
favorable  time  for  it. 

When  this  time  had  arrived,  the  organizer  of  the  foray  killed  a 
hog  or  a fowl;  took  a bit  of  the  heart,  liver,  and  entrails;  minced 
them  together;  added  a little  salt,  and  wrapped  the  mixture  in  a 
leaf.  This  talisman  was  then  entrusted  to  two  spies,  who  were  to 
carry  it  to  the  village  where  the  foe  dwelt.  They  were  admonished 
to  note  whether  or  not  any  spikes  were  planted  along  the  paths 
leading  to  the  place,  the  best  means  of  access  thereto,  and  the  pre- 
cise location  and  general  arrangement  of  the  village.  Finally,  they 
were  to  visit  with  the  inhabitants  there  and  find  an  opportunity 
of  dropping  the  contents  of  their  leaf  into  the  food  of  their  hosts. 
If  they  succeeded  in  this  last  stratagem,  they  were  supposed  to 


152 


WARFARE  AND  WEAPONS 


153 


have  swathed  the  heads  of  their  foes.  That  is,  their  hosts  by  par- 
taking of  the  talisman  would  become  so  confused  as  to  fail  to  seize 
their  weapons  when  needed  for  defense  and  would  be  overwhelmed 
by  the  enemy.  Unlike  the  spies  of  Israel  these  Karen  spies,  on  their 
return,  usually  gave  a favorable  report  and  displayed  great  eager- 
ness for  the  combat. 

The  instigator  of  the  foray  now  sent  out  for  his  men,  who  came 
not  only  from  his  own  village,  but  also  from  neighboring  ones  where 
he  had  friends  and  blood-brothers.  He  might  gather  in  as  many  as 
two  hundred  warriors.  These  he  feasted,  but  before  passing  around 
the  liquor  he  poured  some  on  the  ground  as  a kind  of  libation,  while 
praying : 

“Lord  of  the  seven  heavens  and  the  seven  earths.  Lord  of  the 
rivers  and  streams,  the  mountains  and  hills.  We  give  thee  liquor  to 
drink  and  rice  to  eat.  Help  us,  we  entreat  thee.  We  will  go  forth 
now  and  attack  yon  village.  We  have  swathed  the  heads  of  the 
inhabitants.  Assist  us.  Render  their  minds  oblivious  and  cause 
them  to  forget  themselves,  that  they  may  sleep  heavily  and  their 
slumber  may  be  unbroken.  Let  not  a dog  bark  at  us,  nor  a hog  grunt 
at  us.  Grant  that  the  villagers  may  not  seize  a bow,  sword,  or  spear. 
May  the  Lord  help  my  children  and  grandchildren  who  go  to  attack 
yon  village,  and  may  he  deliver  them  from  all  harm.  May  they  sub- 
due their  enemies  and  not  be  lost.  May  they  be  delivered  from  the 
bow,  the  sword,  and  the  spear.” 

After  this  prayer  the  elders  drank  in  turn  of  the  liquor,  and  it 
was  then  circulated  freely  among  the  assembled  warriors.  The  in- 
stigator of  the  foray  now  killed  a fowl,  preparatory  to  inspecting  its 
bones  for  a favorable  omen  as  to  the  success  of  the  undertaking, 
but  before  the  inspection  he  offered  up  the  following  petition : 

“Fowl,  possessor  of  superhuman  powers,  fore-endowed  with 
divine  intelligence,  thou  scratchest  with  thy  feet  and  peckest  with 
thy  bill.  Thou  goest  to  Hku  Te  (the  king  of  death).  Thou  goest 
to  The  Na  (monarch  of  death).  Thou  goest  to  Shi  U,  the  brother 
of  God.  Thou  goest  into  the  presence  of  God.  Thou  seest  unto  the 
verge  of  heaven  and  unto  the  edge  of  the  horizon.  I now  purpose 
to  go  and  attack  yon  village.  Shall  we  be  hit?  Shall  we  be  ob- 
structed? If  we  go,  shall  we  suffer?  Shall  we  die  by  the  bow? 
Shall  we  be  pierced  by  the  spear?  Shall  we  grow  weary  or  exhaust 
ourselves  ? If  so,  reveal  thyself  unfavorably.”  ^ 

^ This  prayer,  in  which  superhuman  powers  are  attributed  to  the  fowl,  is  similar  to 
prayers  of  the  Kenyas  of  Borneo,  who  ascribe  like  powers  to  the  pig. 


154 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


If  the  reading  of  the  chicken  bones  proved  unfavorable,  an- 
other fowl  was  slain,  and  a third,  if  necessary.  On  obtaining  a 
favorable  omen,  the  organizer  of  the  raid  harangued  his  men,  tell- 
ing them  that  they  would  surely  prove  victorious,  that  he  would 
indemnify  the  families  of  any  who  might  be  killed,  and  that  he 
would  replace  all  weapons  that  might  be  lost  or  broken.  He  as- 
sured them  that  he  expected  all  to  return,  and  declared  that  no 
disaster  could  befall  them.  Thereupon  he  called  for  two  volunteers 
to  lead  in  ascending  the  ladder  to  the  village-house  and  making  the 
attack  on  the  arrival  of  the  war-band  at  its  destination.  Address- 
ing the  volunteer  leaders,  he  promised  them  drums  and  buffaloes 
as  rewards  for  the  deeds  of  valor  they  were  soon  to  perform.  They 
were  to  be  the  hunting  dogs,  the  wild  boars,  full  of  cunning  and 
courage.  If  they  should  be  slain,  their  families  would  receive  the 
rewards.  If,  however,  they  failed,  the  disaster  of  the  expedition 
would  be  their  fault. 

At  length,  the  war-band  set  forth,  chanting  verses,  as  follows : 

“I  go  to  war.  I am  sent. 

I go  to  fight.  I am  sent. 

Clothe  me  with  an  iron  breastplate. 

Give  to  me  the  iron  shield. 

I am  not  strong.  May  I take  on  strength. 

I am  weak.  May  I attain  vigor.” 

“I  go  with  a host  of  men. 

We  will  reach  the  steps  of  the  house 

And  fire  muskets  and  shout  aloud. 

The  men  will  come  with  wives  and  children. 

Raise  the  spear  and  draw  the  sword. 

Smite  the  neck  and  pierce  the  side. 

The  blood  is  gushing  purple.” 

“The  great  hawk  flies  above  the  house. 

It  pounces  on  the  chief’s  red  cock. 

It  grasps  its  prey  near  the  lowest  step. 

It  seizes  then  the  chief’s  white  cock. 

And  the  great  hawk  flies  away. 

Leaving  the  chief  behind  in  tears.” 

Whatever  one  may  think  of  the  poetic  quality  of  these  three 
stanzas,  they  depict  vividly  the  successive  stages  in  their  adven- 
ture, as  the  chanting  braves  conceived  it.  In  the  first  stanza  they 


WARFARE  AND  WEAPONS 


155 


Karen  of  Three  Generations  on  the  Plains 
Only  the  old  grandmother  retains  any  part  of  the  Karen  dress,  and 
that  is  the  skirt 


Karen  Girls  of  the  Plains  Carrying  Water  in  Earthen  Pots  of  Bur- 
mese Manufacture 


156 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


don  their  armor  and  muster  up  their  wavering  courage.  In  the 
second  they  go  into  action  with  their  lust  for  blood  fully  aroused. 
In  the  third  they  compare  themselves  to  the  great  hawk  carrying 
off  its  prey  before  the  eyes  of  the  chief,  whose  village  they  have 
invaded.  The  mission  of  the  war-band  was  to  accomplish  some 
such  program  as  this. 

The  warriors  so  timed  their  march  as  to  reach  the  vicinity 
of  the  foe’s  village  after  dark,  distributed  their  force  around  the 
unsuspecting  inhabitants  before  dawn,  and  sallied  forth  with  a 
great  shout  as  soon  as  it  was  light.  The  charge  against  the  village- 
house  was  led  by  the  two  volunteers,  and  all  the  inmates  who 
jumped  to  the  ground  were  cut  down  or  pierced  with  spears  by  the 
armed  men  in  waiting.  No  quarter  was  shown,  even  the  women 
and  children  being  either  sla'n  or  taken  captive,  according  to  the 
orders  of  the  instigator  of  the  raid.  Their  main  object  was  evi- 
dently plunder,  for  they  lopped  off  the  heads,  hands,  and  feet  of 
their  victims,  in  order  to  obtain  the  necklaces,  bracelets,  and  anklets 
more  easily.  They  also  slew  the  small  children,  perhaps  because 
they  would  otherwise  be  doomed  to  a lingering  death. 

From  an  old  man  I learned  of  one  of  these  forays,  in  which 
his  father  had  participated  while  still  a young  man.  The  father 
professed  to  have  had  but  little  interest  in  the  expedition,  being 
forced  to  join  it  by  circumstances.  Lagging  behind  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  attacking  party,  he  saw  two  girls  who  had  escaped  from 
the  house  and  hidden  in  the  forest.  When  they  saw  him  they 
started  to  run,  thus  disclosing  themselves  to  others  who  gave  chase, 
struck  them  down  with  their  swords,  cut  off  their  hands  to  get  their 
bracelets,  and  left  them  to  die.  A man  and  his  wife  and  baby  were 
also  in  a fair  way  to  escape,  but  were  hard  pressed  by  pursuers, 
whereupon  the  husband  compelled  his  wife  to  throw  away  the 
infant,  who  impeded  her  progress;  and  as  they  rounded  the  crest 
of  a hill  they  looked  back  only  to  see  their  child  being  cut  to  pieces. 

If  the  villagers  made  too  stout  a resistance  to  the  first  onset, 
the  raiders  set  fire  to  the  inflammable  bamboo  structure,  thereby 
bringing  the  conflict  to  a quick  conclusion,  though  at  the  same  time 
reducing  the  amount  of  available  loot.  They  frequently  mutilated 
the  bodies  of  their  victims,  carrying  off  their  jaw-bones  as  trophies 
of  their  ghastly  work.  It  is  not  clear  from  any  extant  records 
that  the  Karen  were  once  head-hunters,  but  this  may  have  been  the 
case.  In  token  of  the  utter  destruction  of  a village,  vegetable  seeds 
were  sometimes  planted  on  its  desolate  site. 


WARFARE  AND  WEAPONS 


157 


The  organizer  of  the  foray  did  not  go  in  person  with  his  men, 
lest  he  be  killed  and  thus  rendered  unable  to  dispense  the  spoils, 
but  remained  at  home  to  receive  and  reward  the  valiant  fighters  on 
their  return  with  the  booty.  As  they  approached,  they  announced 
their  victory  by  the  notes  of  their  horns.  After  being  welcomed 
with  a feast,  they  were  sent  to  their  homes.  Any  claims  for  in- 
demnity on  the  part  of  the  families  of  slain  warriors  were  now 
settled,  some  of  the  booty  being  evidently  used  for  this  purpose, 
the  rest  of  the  plunder  and  such  captives  as  were  brought  back  be- 
coming the  property  of  the  duly  avenged  and  victorious  one.  The 
captives  remained  slaves,  unless  they  were  redeemed  by  their  rela- 
tives. If  they  were  not  redeemed,  they  were  often  sold  in  exchange 
for  oxen  or  buffaloes,  one  of  which  might  be  presented  to  each  of 
the  villages  represented  in  the  war-band.  No  indignities  of  any 
sort  were  visited  upon  women  captives,  prisoners  of  both  sexes 
being  kept  for  awhile  either  in  rude  stocks  or  within  the  house. 

Redemption  of  Captives 

It  sometimes  happened  that  a number  of  captured  villagers 
would  escape  from  their  captors.  In  such  a case  they  would  imme- 
diately try  to  effect  the  redemption  of  any  of  their  relatives  still 
remaining  in  captivity.  For  this  purpose  they  would  engage  an 
elder  of  a neighboring  village  and  send  him  to  negotiate  the  terms. 
If  the  victor  was  inclined  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  this  agent, 
he  gave  evidence  of  accepting  his  good  offices  by  killing  a pig, 
cutting  off  its  snout,  and  smearing  some  of  the  flowing  blood  on 
the  legs  of  the  messenger.  This  betokened  the  early  return  of 
peace  and  brotherhood  between  the  belligerents,  together  with  the 
redemption  of  the  captives.  In  further  proof  of  his  successful 
mission  the  negotiator  brought  back  the  head  and  legs  of  the  slain 
pig.  There  was  still  danger  of  a quarrel  over  the  redemption  price 
that  might  be  demanded  by  the  victor. 

With  the  conclusion  of  the  negotiations  and  the  establishment 
of  peace,  the  peace-making  water  must  be  drunk.  This  was  con- 
cocted by  putting  chippings  or  filings  from  a spear,  sword,  musket- 
barrel,  and  stone  into  a cup  with  a little  blood  from  a dog,  a pig, 
and  a fowl,  and  filling  the  remainder  of  the  cup  with  water.  The 
dog’s  skull  was  then  split  open,  and  the  participants  in  this  solemn 
ceremony,  namely,  the  victor  and  the  leader  of  the  peace  delega- 
tion, each  hung  a part  of  the  skull  around  his  neck  and  took 


158 


THE  KAKEN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


hold  of  the  cup,  while  they  mutually  promised  to  terminate  their 
feud,  to  intermarry  their  children,  not  to  destroy  each  other’s 
property,  and  to  live  amicably  together  unto  the  third  generation. 
In  pledge  of  these  promises  each  of  the  twain  drank  of  the  cup. 
Imprecations  were  then  called  down  upon  the  head  of  any  one  who 
should  renew  the  feud,  and  the  visiting  delegation  was  dismissed. 
A shower  of  arrows  was  sent  after  the  departing  guests,  and  a salute 
of  muskets  was  fired  in  token  of  the  power  of  the  raiders.  Some- 
times the  peace-making  water  was  drunk  and  the  pledges  were 
made  under  a hardy  and  well-known  tree,  on  which  a notch  was 
cut  in  testimony  of  the  compact.  Dr.  Mason  in  his  account  of  these 
forays  and  peace  pacts  states  that  the  Karen  had  no  monuments 
other  than  these  notched  trees. - 

As  already  remarked  above,  the  treaty  of  peace  was  ratified 
between  the  organizer  of  the  victorious  raid  and  the  vanquished 
villagers.  The  former  and  his  descendants  were  bound  by  the  com- 
pact not  to  renew  the  attack ; but  that  did  not  prevent  another 
foray  if  a new  occasion  arose  for  seeking  redress,  just  as  a man  in 
a more  advanced  community  might  win  a suit  against  another  and 
be  compelled  to  go  to  law  with  him  again  to  settle  a fresh  dispute. 
Moreover,  the  pact  did  not  remove  the  possibility  of  another  foray 
being  organized  by  some  other  inhabitant  of  the  village  where  the 
first  one  originated,  for  the  purpose  of  revenge  on  his  own  account. 
Thus,  it  would  appear  that  these  treaties  were  not  mere  “scraps  of 
paper,”  and  yet  they  did  not  suffice  to  prevent  frequent  raids.  It 
was  not  until  numbers  of  the  Karen  removed  to  the  plains  and 
thus  came  more  closely  into  contact  with  a common  enemy,  the 
Burmese  people,  against  whom  they  had  to  defend  themselves,  that 
they  seem  to  have  largely  given  up  the  killing  of  one  another.  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  any  evidence  to  show  that  the  Burmese 
Government  exercised  its  power  in  suppressing  the  forays  among 
the  Karen,  and  I think  that  such  private  wars  deci'eased  in  number 
for  the  reason  just  given. 


Weapons 

The  weapons  used  by  the  Karen  in  their  fighting  were 
spears,  javelins,  swords,  and  flint-lock  and  match-lock  guns. 
The  crossbow  seems  not  to  have  been  well  adapted  for  warfare 
and  has  been  kept  for  hunting.  The  commonest  forms  of  fighting 


2 Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XXXVII,  Pt.  II,  p.  161. 


WARFARE  AND  WEAPONS 


159 


implements  were  spears  and  javelins.  These  were  usually  made 
with  iron  heads  either  of  small  bayonet-shape  or  elongated  elipse- 
shape  sharpened  to  a point.  In  the  case  of  the  larger  spears  the 
head  measures  about  two  feet  in  length  and  two  or  three  inches 
across  at  the  widest  part  of  the  blade.  The  shaft  of  some  hard  wood 
is  five  or  six  feet  long. 

The  Karen  Thesaurus  distinguishes  among  three  kinds  of 
swords  or  “na,”  as  they  are  collectively  called  by  the  people  them- 
selves. One  kind  is  the  two-edged  sword  with  a sharp  point  (“na 
thweh  hko”) ; the  second  is  a blunt  sword  shaped  like  the  tail  of 
an  eel  (“na  nya  hti  meh’’),  and  the  third  is  square  at  the  end  and 
can  be  used  for  cutting  only  (“na  xu  hko”).®  These  swords  were 
carried  in  sheathes  of  a type  similar  to  those  seen  among  the 
Shan,  formed  of  two  pieces  of  bamboo  held  together  by  rattan  bands 
woven  around  them.  No  one  knows  whether  or  not  these  weapons 
are  native  with  the  Karen.  They  may  have  been  copied  from  the 
Shan.  Besides  the  three  kinds  of  swords,  the  Karen  used  a long 
knife  (“dah”)  for  both  defensive  and  offensive  purposes,  which  is 
devoted  nowadays  to  domestic  employment.^ 

During  the  sixteenth  century  the  Portuguese  carried  on  an 
extensive  trade  in  firearms  in  the  East,  especially  in  Burma.  In 
this  way  the  Karen  tribes  became  familiar  with  flint-lock  and 
match-lock  guns,  owning  numbers  of  them.  In  numerous  instances 
the  stock  of  the  gun  had  no  butt  to  be  held  against  the  shoulder,  as 
in  the  case  of  European  and  American  guns,  but  a handle  that  was 
held  against  the  cheek.  Powder  was  “pounded  out”  in  a mortar  con- 
taining sulphur,  saltpeter,  and  charcoal,  all  native  products.  The 
sulphur  was  often  obtained  from  the  deposits  of  bat  dung  found  in 
the  limestone  caves  that  are  numerous  in  the  Moulmein  district.  In- 
deed, one  of  the  common  names  for  gun-powder  was  “bla-e,”  mean- 
ing bat  dung.  Inasmuch  as  lead  mines  have  long  been  known  in 
Burma  and  on  the  Chinese  border,  I presume  that  the  Karen  got  the 
material  for  their  bullets  from  these.  When  lead  was  not  to  be  had, 
they  substituted  small  round  stones. 

The  approaches  to  the  villages  were  guarded  by  burying  sharp- 
ened bamboo  spikes,  hardened  with  fire,  in  the  paths,  leaving  only 
the  point  protruding  at  a sufficient  angle  to  catch  the  foot  of  the 
passer-by.  These  almost  hidden  spikes  inflicted  terrible  wounds  in 


3 For  the  weapons  used  in  hunting  see  pp.  104,  ff. 

^ Karen  Thesaurus,  Vol.  Ill,  154  ; Cross,  Karen/-English  Dictionary,  907. 


160 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  bare  feet  of  the  enemy  who  was  careless  enough  to  run  into 
them. 

In  the  early  times  the  participants  in  a foray  equipped  them- 
selves with  armor  and  shields,  although  such  protective  contriv- 
ances are  almost  unknown  at  the  present  time.  The  armor  was  a 
sort  of  jacket  of  thick  hides  thought  to  be  serviceable  in  warding  off 
the  strokes  and  thrusts  of  sword  and  spear.  The  name  by  which  it 
was  known  was  “f  xo.”  Shields,  called  “k’  taw,”  were  constructed 
of  wood  and  covered  with  a tough  skin.  I have  not  been  able  to 
learn  from  any  one  what  was  their  shape  or  just  how  they  were 
made.  However,  Mr.  F.  H.  Gates,  the  political  officer  of  Karenni, 
gives  us  this  bit  of  information  on  the  subject:  “A  generation 
or  two  back  these  people  carried  a shield  made  of  plank  covered 
with  buffalo  hide  and  studded  with  brass  nails.”  He  adds  that  no 
specimens  of  these  shields  are  to  be  obtained  now.® 

® Report  of  1894-95,  p.  22. 


A Sgavv  Karen  Orchestra,  Tharrawaddy  Hills 
The  harp  and  the  guitar  are  being  played  together. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


MUSIC,  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS,  AND  DANCING 
Karen  Music 

The  Karen  use  the  pentatonic  or  five-toned  scale,  which  has  be- 
longed to  the  Eastern  nations  since  early  times.  This  scale  consists 
of  the  first,  second,  third,  fifth,  and  sixth  intervals  of  the  modern 
octave.  They  appear  to  know  nothing  of  different  musical  keys,  but 
in  starting  a tune  try  one  pitch  or  another  until  they  have  found 
the  range  suitable  to  their  voices.  They  do  not  keep  accurate  time 
in  their  singing,  but  hold  one  or  another  tone  as  suits  their  fancy, 
introducing  quavers  on  the  long  notes  and  sliding  down  or  slurring 
from  one  tone  to  the  next.  Some  words  and  phrases  they  repeat 
over  and  over  again,  thereby  suggesting  the  repetitions  in  an  an- 
them. As  they  sing  in  minor  strain,  their  music  has  a quality  of 
sadness. 

On  their  instruments  they  play  tunes  that  are  not  rendered 
vocally.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  melodies  they  play  on  the 
pipes  (“hpi  ba”),  rather  than  of  set  compositions.  These  pipes  are 
capable  of  producing  really  beautiful  music,  consisting  largely  of 
improvised  runs  and  variations,  demanding  no  small  skill. ^ 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that,  with  the  acceptance  of  Christianity, 
the  Karen  have  almost  entirely  dropped  their  own  music  for  that 
of  the  West.  Hjunns  particularly  appeal  to  them.  Perhaps  this  is 
due  to  their  desire  to  leave  their  pre-Christian  life  altogether  behind 
them,  as  well  as  to  the  more  animated  quality  of  our  Western  mu- 
sic. However,  a few  Karen  melodies  have  been  adapted  to  hymns 
and  have  been  recently  incorporated  in  their  hymnbook  through  the 
efforts  of  the  Rev.  E.  N.  Harris,  of  Toungoo. 

Musical  Instruments 

The  Karen  have  seven  or  eight  primitive  musical  instruments, 
besides  drums,  cymbals,  and  gongs.  Those  in  common  use  are  the 

1 For  this  note  on  Karen  music  and  the  score  of  the  accompanying  “hta”  I am  indebted 
to  Mrs.  U.  B.  White,  of  Rangoon. 


161 


162 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


harp,  the  jew’s-harp,  the  bamboo  guitar  or  fiddle,  the  xylophone,  the 
flute,  the  graduated-pipes,  the  gourd  bag-pipe,  and  the  wedding- 
horn.  In  the  olden  days  every  Karen  youth  possessed  a harp 
(“t’na”),  which  he  carried  with  him  on  all  occasions.  Even  at  the 
present  time  in  the  villages  along  the  Pegu  range  one  can  generally 
hear  these  soft-toned  instruments.  Indeed,  in  the  middle  of  the 
night  one’s  sleep  may  be  disturbed  by  the  monotonous  strumming 
on  one  of  them  by  some  wakeful  old  man,  who  is  trying  to  beguile 
the  slowly  moving  hours. 

The  body  of  the  harp  is  hollowed  out  of  a block  of  wood  and 
looks  not  unlike  a miniature  dug-out  canoe  less  than  two  feet  long 
and  about  five  inches  in  width.  A strip  of  deerskin  (of  the  barking- 
deer)  is  stretched  across  the  open  top,  and  lengthwise  along  the 
middle  of  this  a piece  of  wood  is  fastened  to  which  the  strings  are 
attached.  The  other  ends  of  the  strings  are  fastened  to  pegs  that 
fit  into  holes  in  the  arm  of  the  instrument.  This  arm  is  curved 
somewhat  like  the  prow  of  a boat  and  is  inserted  into  the  sharper 
end  of  the  body  of  the  instrument.  Formerly  the  strings  consisted 
of  cotton  fibre,  but  fine  brass  wire,  bought  at  the  bazaars,  is  now 
substituted  for  the  cotton  strings.  (See  frontispiece.) 

I have  seen  a few  harps  that  were  made  of  bamboo,  a large 
section  between  the  nodes  being  utilized  for  the  body,  of  which  the 
open  side  was  covered  with  deerskin  extending  well  down  along 
either  edge  and  fastened  with  thong-lacing  underneath.  From 
one  end  of  this  body,  and  firmly  lashed  to  it,  was  an  arm  of  wood, 
the  strings  being  strung  from  this  across  to  a cleat  fastened 
to  the  deerskin.  This  instrument  is  a very  resonant  one.  In  the 
Pegu  Hills  the  harps  have  seven  strings,  the  upper  one  serving  only 
as  a stay ; but  farther  north  five  strings  seem  to  be  the  rule,  all  be- 
ing tuned  and  played.- 

The  jew’s-harp  (“t’xe”)  is  usually  considered  the  women’s  in- 
strument, though  there  is  a short  one  played  by  the  men.  When 
wooed  by  the  youth  with  his  harp,  the  maiden  replies  with  her  jew’s- 
harp.  This  instrument  consists  of  a narrow  strip  of  bamboo  a 
foot  long  and  an  inch  wide  at  one  end,  from  which  it  tapers 
gradually  to  a point  at  the  other.  The  tongue  is  cut  in  the  wider 

- The  Burmese  harp  is  similar  in  form  to  the  first  one  described  above,  but  has  thirteen 
strings,  although  the  musical  scale  of  both  the  Burmese  and  Karen  harps  comprises  only  five  tones. 
For  an  account  of  Burmese  music,  see  Sir  J.  G.  Scott’s  Burma,  A Handbook  of  Practical,  Com^ 
mercial,  and  Political  Information,  352-357. 


MUSIC,  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS,  AND  DANCING 


163 


end.  The  specimens  I have  seen  were  hardened  and  blackened 
over  a fire  and  looked  like  ebony.  Old  men  have  told  me  that  in  the 
days  when  raids  by  Burman  dacoits  were  common,  the  scattered 
Karen  who  were  hiding  in  the  jungle,  fearing  lest  some  of  their 
foes  were  still  in  ambush,  would  signal  to  one  another  by  playing 


Karen  Jew’s-harps — (a)  Men’s  jew’s-harp.  (b)  Women’s  jew’s-harp. 


certain  notes  on  these  jew’s-harps.  Familiar  with  the  sounds  thus 
produced,  which  were  unintelligible  to  their  enemies,  they  were 
able  to  find  one  another  and  come  together  again. 

A very  primitive  kind  of  guitar  or  fiddle  (“thaw  tu”)  consists 
of  three  strings  stretched  along  one  side  of  a hollow  bamboo,  which 


mm 


A Karen  Guitar 


UP 


has  long  longitudinal  slits  on  either  side  of  the  strings  to  emit  the 
sound.  This  instrument  may  be  played  with  the  fingers  like  a gui- 


164 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


tar  or  with  a bow,  which  is  nothing  more  than  a smooth  strip  of 
bamboo.  Nowadays  the  strings  are  brass  wires  fixed  in  slits  at  one 
end  and  held  in  place  at  the  other  by  a cord  around  the  barrel  of 
the  instrument.  I am  told  that  formerly  the  strings  were  made  by 
cutting  away  the  silicious  surface  of  the  bamboo  and  leaving  a few 
fibres,  which  were  then  raised  above  the  rest  of  the  stock  by  run- 
ning a knife  under  them  and  inserting  little  blocks  as  bridges  at 
either  end  to  hold  the  strings  taut. 

The  “paw  ku”  resembles  somewhat  the  African  xylophone  and 
is  often  made  by  individuals  from  green  bamboos  while  stopping  to 
rest  by  the  roadside.  After  they  have  played  a few  strains  on  it 
they  pass  on,  leaving  it  to  dry  up.  It  consists  of  eleven  tubes  rang- 
ing from  seven  and  one-half  inches  to  twenty  inches  in  length  and 
from  an  inch  and  a half  to  six  inches  in  circumference.  One  end 
of  each  tube  is  cut  off  square  at  a node  of  the  bamboo,  while  the 
other  is  sharpened  like  a quill  pen.  The  distance  from  the  closed 
end  to  the  shank,  where  the  opening  begins,  varies  from  two  and 
one-quarter  inches  for  the  tube  producing  the  highest  tone  to  eleven 
and  one-half  for  that  producing  the  lowest.  In  addition  to  this 
series,  there  is  a base  pipe  thirteen  and  three-quarters  inches  from 
the  node  to  the  shank  and  thirty-two  inches  to  the  point.  This  one 
is  an  octave  below  the  third  largest  tube  of  the  series  and,  when 
played,  is  struck  with  another  pipe,  which  is  as  long  as  the  fifth 
tube  of  the  instrument.  These  two  are  called  “klo”  (drum)  and 
“klo  a deu”  (drum  enclosure),  respectively.  The  player  strikes  the 
tubes  of  the  xylophone  with  small  mallets  whittled  out  of  bamboo, 
while  the  bass  accompaniment  is  played,  usually  by  a second  per- 
former, on  the  “klo.”  The  tones  are  not  unlike  those  produced  by 
playing  on  different  sized  bottles.  (See  illustrations  on  p.  165.) 

The  “po  dwa”  is  an  open  bamboo  pipe  about  a cubit  in  length 
with  three  or  seven  holes  down  the  side,  as  the  case  may  be.  It  is 
not  played  with  the  instrument  held  in  the  position  of  the  trans- 
verse flute  or  the  military  fyfe,  but  in  a more  or  less  vertical  posi- 
tion like  the  flageolet,  with  the  notched  end  of  the  instrument  rest- 
ing against  the  chin  just  below  the  lips.  The  player  blows  over  the 
notch  and  secures  the  different  tones  by  opening  and  closing  the 
holes  like  a flute-player. 

An  instrument  of  graduated  pipes,  similar  to  the  “Pan’s  pipes” 
known  among  the  ancient  Greeks,  is  familiar  in  the  Tenasserim  divi- 


MUSIC,  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS,  AND  DANCING 


165 


Playing  the  “Paw  Ku“  or  Karen  Xylophone 
The  man  at  the  right  is  playing  the  bass  accompaniment  on  the  long  tube, 
while  the  other  strikes  the  other  tubes,  which  are  all  laid  out  in  order. 


An  Exhibition  Performance  on  the  Xylophone 
With  the  tubes  spread  out  in  groups  of  twos  and  threes,  the  performer 
has  to  exert  himself  to  produce  his  tones. 


166 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


sion.  It  comprises  a number  of  slender  bamboo  tubes  ranging  from 
a foot  or  more  to  three  or  four  feet  in  length,  bound  together  in  a 
bundle  by  rattans.  “Hpi  ba”  is  the  name  applied  to  the  instru- 
ment by  the  Karen,  who  play  it  with  considerable  skill  and  use  it 
frequently.  It  is  said  to  be  of  Talain  or  of  Siamese  origin.^ 


J 

T 

\ m 

m 

1 

fl 

« 

T u 

u 

n — hn — 

/V  J IJ 

• 

J 

n\\ m m « 

m 

V~ 

XL 


zr 


Musical  Score  of  a Karen  “Hta”  or  Poem 


The  Toungoo  Karen,  either  the  Ker-ko  or  the  Padaung,  make  an 
instrument,  which  suggests  a bag-pipe,  by  inserting  five  bamboo 
tubes  in  a gourd.  The  player  blows  into  the  stem  of  the  gourd  and 
fingers  the  holes  in  the  tubes  to  produce  the  different  sounds. 

^ These  gi  aduated-pipes  exhibit  a striking  similarity  to  those  found  in  Malaysia,  Borneo,  and 
the  Philippine  Islands:  Skeat  and  Blagdon,  Pagan  Races  of  the  Malay  Pemnsula,  Vol.  II,  p. 
145  ; Hose  and  McDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  192,  and  the  figures  opposite  p. 
122;  Cole,  Davao  Tribes,  p.  110. 

Illustrations  of  musical  instruments  used  by  the  Bangala  and  Dajande  tribes  of  the  Congo 
region,  including  just  such  a harp  as  the  Karen  have,  are  given  in  George  Grenfell  and  the 
Congo,  Vol.  II,  p.  719.  An  instrument  like  the  graduated-pipes  of  the  Karen  is  shown  in  A.  W. 
Niewenhuis’s  Quer  durch  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  p.  142. 


MUSIC,  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS,  AND  DANCING 


167 


The  wedding-horn  or  “kweh”  has  but  three  notes,  but  should 
be  included  in  the  list  of  musical  instruments.  It  consists  of  a foot 
or  more  of  the  smaller  end  of  a buffalo  horn,  or  an  elephant’s  tusk 
hollowed  out  and  the  tip  cut  off,  so  that  a hole  the  size  of  a pencil 
is  left  through  the  truncated  tip,  and  a reed  (made  nowadays  of  a 
piece  of  tin  or  brass)  is  inserted  as  a mouthpiece,  on  the  concave 
side  of  the  curve  midway  between  the  two  ends.  The  player  pro- 
duces different  tones  by  blowing  or  inhaling  through  the  reed  and  by 
closing  or  opening  the  hole  in  the  tip  with  his  thumb.  Sometimes 
these  horns  are  ornamented  by  encircling  the  two  ends  with  silver 
bands.  The  ivory  instrument  is  thought  to  be  a choicer  one  than 
that  made  of  buffalo  horn. 

Drums,  cymbals,  and  gongs  of  Burmese  manufacture  are  often 
found  nowadays  in  Karen  villages. 

Dancing 

Dancing  of  any  sort  appears  to  be  very  little  cultivated  among 
the  Karen.  The  practice  of  walking  or  parading  around  the  corpse 
at  a funeral  can  hardly  be  called  dancing,  for  the  participants  do 
not  perform  any  special  steps,  or  move  in  figures,  or  observe  time 
and  rythm  apart  from  the  chanting  of  their  verses.  No  one  has 
been  able  to  tell  me  anything  about  dancing  among  the  Sgaw  Karen. 
Colonel  MacMahon  has,  however,  given  an  account  of  a ball  held  in 
his  honor  by  the  Tsaw-ku  Karens  in  the  Toungoo  Hills.  At  this 
dancing  party  the  whole  company  moved  forward,  backward,  and 
sideways,  swaying  their  arms  up  and  down,  except  that  they  ex- 
tended them  backward  when  they  courtesied.  The  women  wore  a 
special  headdress  of  basket-work,  like  a brimless  hat,  which  was 
adorned  with  beads  and  the  wings  of  green  beetles.  This  headgear 
proved  to  be  a novelty,  even  to  the  members  of  other  Karen  tribes 
who  constituted  Colonel  MacMahon’s  retinue.® 


® MacMahon,  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese^  p.  291. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


BIRTH  CUSTOMS,  CHILDHOOD 
Birth  Customs 

Among  the  Sgaw  Karen  in  the  Pegu  Hills  and  on  the  plains 
there  appear  to  be  but  few  special  customs  connected  with  the 
births  of  children.  Offspring  are  desired,  and  a large  family  gives 
joy  to  the  parents.  A pregnant  woman  experiences  but  little  light- 
ening of  her  usual  tasks  and  works  up  to  the  time  of  her  delivery. 
The  prospective  mother  is  expected  to  omit  bitter  herbs  and  fruits 
from  her  diet,  as  these  are  thought  to  be  harmful  to  her ; while  her 
husband  avoids  having  his  hair  cut  during  her  pregnancy,  lest  it 
should  bring  ill-luck  and  shorten  the  life  of  the  child. 

Old  women  usually  serve  as  midwives  and  are  sometimes  be- 
lieved to  possess  considerable  skill  in  aiding  delivery,  although  they 
are  without  special  training  for  the  function  they  perform.  Cus- 
tom is  too  deeply  ingrained  for  them  to  profit  much  from  their  own 
experience.  They  resort  to  massage  to  hasten  the  birth,  and  in 
stubboni  cases  they  tread  upon  the  abdomen  to  expel  the  foetus. 
They  believe  in  aiding  nature  rather  than  in  letting  nature  take  its 
own  course,  even  in  normal  cases.  For  her  services  the  midwife  re- 
ceives a rupee  and  a bundle  of  dried  bark  for  the  preparation  of  a 
head-washing  solution  (“f  yaw”).  She  uses  the  solution  to  prevent 
the  eruption  of  some  sort  of  itching  skin-disease,  after  which  she 
anoints  herself  with  sandal  wood.  In  case  the  delivery  should  be 
abnormal,  the  midwife  would  receive  double  wages.  If  the  labors 
are  unduly  prolonged  and  she  can  not  bring  things  to  pass,  she  sends 
for  a soothsayer  or  a medicine-man,  who  usually  gives  the  suffering 
woman  little  else  than  a cup  of  charmed  water  (“hti  th’  mu”) . 

When  a woman  dies  before  the  child  is  delivered,  it  must  be  ex- 
tracted before  the  funeral  ceremonies  are  perfonned.  In  case  this 
can  not  be  conveniently  done  at  the  time,  the  operation  is  postponed 
until  the  body  is  carried  to  the  place  of  buiming  or  burial,  the  foetus 
being  then  removed  through  an  incision  in  the  abdomen.  This 
operation  is  thought  necessary,  in  order  to  prevent  the  reincarna- 

K8 


BIKTH  CUSTOMS,  CHILDHOOD 


169 


tion  of  the  spirit  of  the  woman  from  having  a deformity  in  the 
abdomen. 

If  the  child  survives  its  birth,  the  umbilical  cord  and  the  pla- 
centa are  wrapped  in  a cloth  or  placed  in  a bamboo  joint,  and 
buried  in  the  ground  or  hung  up  in  a tree.  If  the  latter  disposition 
is  made  of  them,  a large  tree  of  one  of  the  hardiest  varieties  is 
selected  for  the  purpose,  in  order  that  the  babe  may  gain  strength 
therefrom. 

Soon  after  the  child  is  born  offerings  are  presented  to  the  spirit, 
and  a string  is  tied  around  the  child’s  wrist  to  keep  its  “k’  la”  from 
being  enticed  away.  In  some  cases  the  cord  is  tied  around  the 
neck  and  loins  as  well  as  the  wrist.  These  threads  may  be  of  scarlet 
to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  demons  and  prevent  their  seeing  the  “k’  la” 
of  the  infant. 1 In  Toungoo  it  is  also  customary  to  provide  new 
cooking  pots,  water  buckets,  mats,  knives,  and  a new  ladder  to  the 
house,  to  render  it  more  difficult  for  the  spirits  to  find  the  child. 
Among  the  Brecs  the  husband  goes  into  seclusion  for  seven 
days,  during  which  he  must  speak  to  no  one.  He  alone  cares 
for  the  mother  and  child.  Nobody  is  permitted  to  enter  the 
house.  Among  the  Padaungs  the  period  of  the  husband’s  retire- 
ment is  a month,  and  during  a m.onth  and  a half  the  whole  family 
must  live  on  rice  roasted  in  bamboo  joints,  boiled  rice  being  tabu. 
Although  the  villagers  may  not  speak  to  the  couple,  the  women  are 
expected  to  brew  a special  liquor  for  their  use  during  this  period. ^ 
It  is  usual  in  these  tribes  for  father  and  child  to  perform  in  panto- 
mine  the  work  that  the  child  will  be  expected  to  do  when  it  grows 
up.  For  example,  the  child’s  hand  is  put  to  a miniature  hoe,  with 
whic-h  the  father  strikes  the  ground.  Dr.  Mason  speaks  of  this  as 
taking  place  when  the  father  returns  from  disposing  of  the  pla- 
centa, but  Dr.  Bunker  refers  to  it  as  coming  later,  when  the  father 
holds  a feast  for  the  child.®  On  the  third  day  after  the  birth  the 
father  goes  on  a hunting  expedition,  the  outcome  of  which  is 
thought  to  indicate  the  relative  success  of  the  child’s  life.  On  the 
father’s  return  from  the  hunt  the  child  is  bathed  to  remove  all 
spiritual  defilement  from  it,  whereupon  the  father  waves  a splint 
of  bamboo  downwards  over  the  infant’s  arm,  as  if  fanning  him,  and 

^ Cf.  Dr.  Alonzo  Bunker,  Soo  Tha,  21. 

“ Cf.  Notes  on  the  Bwe  Expedition,  by  Capt.  Coynder  (Rangoon,  1894)  ; also  Notes  on  the 
Bwe  and  Padaung  Countries,  by  Lieut.  E.  W.  Garrick  (Rangoon,  1895).  These,  are  Government 
publications. 

3 Mason  in  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1866  ; Bunker,  Soo  Tha,  p.  21. 


170 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


says:  “Fan  away  all  illness,  failure,  stupidity,  and  wretchedness.” 
Then  fanning  upwards,  he  says : “Fan  on  all  prosperity,  health,  and 
power.”  After  this  he  ties  a thread  on  the  child’s  arm  and  gives 
it  the  name  that  he  and  the  mother  have  chosen  for  it. 

Among  the  Sgaw  Karen  I find  that  no  special  naming  customs 
exist.  However,  according  to  our  Western  ideas,  a curious  selection 
of  names  prevails.  One  little  girl  was  called  Miss  Thunder  because, 
as  was  explained  to  me  by  her  father,  she  was  born  at  the  time  of 
a thundred  storm.  The  name  of  a personal  peculiarity,  a color,  an 
ancestor  (especially  of  one  who  was  prosperous  or  powerful),  a 
flower,  an  animal,  or  a month  may  serv’e  as  a personal  name.  I 
know  of  men  who  bear  such  names  as  Tiger,  Eel,  Pole  Star,  Glad- 
ness, Yellow,  Teacher-come  (the  person  with  this  last  name  was 
born  on  the  day  a missionary  first  visited  his  village) , besides  many 
others  equally  odd. 

Nicknames  are  in  vogue  among  Karen  children,  as  they  are 
among  their  fellows  in  the  Western  hemisphere.  Nicknames 
of  a special  class  are  those  given  by  parents  to  disguise  their  love 
of,  and  their  satisfaction  in,  their  offspring,  in  order  to  keep  the 
demons  away  from  the  latter.  Such  names  suggest  parental  con- 
tempt and  lack  of  affection  in  the  hope  of  deceiving  the  evil  spirits 
into  thinking  that  the  parents  can  not  be  injured  through  the  injury 
or  loss  of  their  children.  This  practice  is  illustrated  by  names  like 
Stink-pot,  Rotten-fish,  Lame-dog,  etc.,  which  often  stick  to  men 
through  life.^ 

Although  boys  are  much  more  desired  than  girls,  the  latter 
are  not  mistreated  or  abandoned,  as  they  are  in  China  and  other 
Oriental  countries.  The  Karen  possess  a considerable  degree  of 
parental  affection.  Only  in  extreme  danger,  as  formerly  in  the  case 
of  raids,  would  parents  desert  a female  child.  My  observation  is 
that  Karen  parents  are  too  indulgent  to  their  children  and  do  not 
exercise  as  much  control  over  them  as  would  be  good  for  them. 
Twins  ai’e  not  uncommon  among  these  people,  and  triplets  are  not 
unknown.  Twins  are  considered  as  having  only  one  “k’la”  between 
them.  If  one  of  the  pair  dies,  the  early  death  of  the  other  is  feared. 
Its  wrist  is,  therefore,  carefully  tied  with  a cord,  and  every  precau- 
tion is  taken  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  “k’la.”  I presume  that 

* Parents  sometimes  express  their  satisfaction  over  the  male  sex  of  a child  by  applying 
to  h'm  a nickname  indicative  of  the  presence  of  the  male  genitals.  Such  appellations,  as  terms 
of  endearment,  are  regularly  recognized  names  and  carry  no  opprebrium  with  them. 


BIRTH  CUSTOMS,  CHILDHOOD 


171 


triplets  are  also  thought  to  share  the  “k’la”  among  them,  but  I am 
not  sure  as  I have  not  made  inquiry  concerning  such  cases. 

It  is  common  for  Karen  women  in  Lower  Burma  who  are  re- 
covering from  child-birth,  to  observe  the  custom  that  prevails 
among  the  Burmese,  namely,  to  have  a fire  on  an  improvised  hearth 
or  in  a brasier  set  near  the  mat  on  which  they  lie.  The  fire  is  kept 
burning  constantly  for  several  days  or  a week  after  their  confine- 
ment, to  assist  them  in  regaining  their  strength.  The  hotter  their 
rooms  are  kept,  the  more  quickly  they  are  supposed  to  recover  their 
strength. 


Childhood 

The  period  of  childhood  is  a short  one  among  the  Karen.®  The 
baby  early  accompanies  its  mother  on  her  journeys  from  place  to 
place  or  to  work,  slung  on  her  back  by  means  of  an  old  blanket  or 
skirt.  When  she  puts  the  infant  down,  she  improvises  a hammock 
out  of  this  cloth  by  tying  ropes  to  its  corners  and  swinging  it  from 
the  rafters  of  the  house  or  the  little  hut  in  the  field  or  from  the 
branches  of  a tree.  When  the  child  grows  a little  older  he  plays 
about,  while  his  mother  is  at  work ; and  when  he  goes  with  her  he 
rides  on  her  hip.  (See  p.  172.)  She  does  not  always  give  up  carry- 
ing her  first  child  on  the  arrival  of  the  second.  More  than  once  I 
have  seen  a mother  struggling  along  with  a smaller  child  on  her 
back  and  a larger  one  astride  of  her  hip. 

The  play  of  Karen  children,  more  than  that  of  the  little  folk  of 
more  advanced  races,  is  imitative  of  the  work  of  their  eldei’s. 
With  little  in  the  way  of  toys  they  gather  a few  bits  of  broken  jars, 
which  the  girls  utilize  to  cook  rice  in.  The  boys  induce  their  father 
or  some  other  male  relative  to  make  for  them  miniature  bows  and 
arrows,  slings,  and  spears  with  which  they  assail  dogs  and 
crows,  as  well  as  small  game  along  the  edge  of  the  jungle  clearing. 
Streams  afford  places  for  them  to  play  in  the  water  or  try  for  fish. 
With  the  sap  of  the  banyan  (bird-lime)  smeared  on  a bamboo  they 
may  catch  a crow  for  a pet.  They  tie  together  two  bamboos,  plan- 
tain stocks,  or  black  bottles  and  lead  them  about  as  a yoke  of  oxen, 

^ On  account  of  the  fact  that  the  Karen  do  not  keep  accurate  age  records,  and  also  be- 
cause of  the  shyness  of  the  youth,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  exact  information  as  to  when  the 
children  come  to  the  age  of  puberty.  The  ages  usually  given  me  have  been  twelve  for  the  girls 
and  a year  or  two  later  for  the  boys.  Two  cases  of  arrested  development  of  girls  have  come 
under  my  notice.  Both  of  these  died  when  they  were  reported  to  have  been  about  sixteen  or 
seventeen,  and  both  were  reported  never  to  have  had  any  periods.  One  appeared  to  be  not  more 
than  a girl  of  nine  or  ten,  while  the  other  was  larger  but  was  emanciated  and  had  defective  eyes. 


172 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


and  in  various  ways  manage  to  get  a good  deal  of  fun  out  of  the 
few  years  elapsing  before  they  have  to  assume  their  share  of  the 
labor  in  the  field  and  the  village. 

Girls  and  young  maidens  are  early  trained  to  assist  their 
mothers,  especially  in  carrying  up  the  water  needed  for  domestic 


Child  Riding  on  Its  Mothkr’s  Hip 
The  youngster  does  not  like  to  face  the  camera  so  well  as  his 
mother.  He  is  riding  on  her  hip,  which  is  the  common  method 
of  carrying  children  all  through  the  Orient.  A silver  earring 
can  be  seen  in  the  mother’s  right  ear. 


uses.  Their  imitative  play  is,  therefore,  largely  devoted  to  doing 
some  of  the  things  they  see  their  mothers  do.  Besides  this  play  at 
house-keeping  they  have  other  pastimes.  Thus,  when  they  hear  the 


BIRTH  CUSTOMS,  CHILDHOOD 


173 


repeated  calls,  “tauk-te,  tauk-te,  tauk-te,”  of  the  ubiquitous  “gecko” 
or  spotted  lizard,  which  lives  in  hollow  trees  and  sometimes  in  the 
houses,  they  count  off  “richman,  poorman,  beggarman,  thief,”  etc., 
in  the  playful  attempt  to  discover  to  which  of  these  groups  their 
uture  husbands  will  belong,  just  as  maidens  in  English-speaking 
countries  count  the  petals  of  a daisy  for  the  same  puiqiose.  They 
participate  in  running  games,  such  as  “tag,”  repeating  rhymes  in 
counting  out  the  players  and  choosing  the  one  who  is  to  be  “it.” 
When  the  players  are  about  to  be  counted  out,  they  all  squat  on  the 
ground  near  the  one  who  is  to  say  over  the  ditty,  with  their  right 
fists  extended  in  a circle.  She  strikes  each  fist  as  she  utters  a sylla- 
ble, and  the  one  whose  hand  is  struck  at  the  final  word  becomes 
the  new  leader  or  victim  in  the  game. 

There  are  many  of  these  ditties  in  use  by  the  children,  some  of 
which  are  composed  of  words  which  originally  may  have  had  mean- 
ings that  are  now  lost,  while  some  may  be  simply  a string  of  reso- 
nant syllables  like  our  own  “eeny,  meeny,  miny,  mo.”  One  of  these 
rhymes,  which  was  written  down  for  me  in  the  Pegu  Hills,  runs  as 
follows : 

“T’  ku,  hki  ku,  paw  ta  lu,  saw  maw  ku  ku  li,  lu  t’  re,  maw  ku  ta 
aw  yu.” 

Others,  however,  take  the  form  of  a narrative,  for  example,  the 
following  which  speaks  of  a Burmese  Buddhist  monk  (“pongyi”), 
an  object  of  terror  to  the  Karen  children.  Hence,  they  say: 

“Hop  kyi  klo  hko  neu  weh  lo 
Leh  aw  hsa  leu  ta  lu  hko. 

Pla  wa  law  teh,  hseh  ba  a hko.” 

Translated,  this  reads : 

“The  ‘pongyi’  with  close  shaven  head,  miserably  hungry. 

Went  to  eat  his  food  on  the  ridge. 

The  unpoisoned  arrow  falls  and  pierces  his  head.” 

The  children  have  other  little  songs  which  they  use  in  play  as, 
for  instance,  when  in  the  villages  on  the  plains  they  run  on  the  logs 
laid  from  house  to  house  to  serve  as  walks  during  the  heavy  rains. 
One  of  their  verses  is : 

“Paw  paw  to  me  law  ten  to  di  do.” 

Another  version  of  this  is : 

“Paw  paw  pgha  me  law  teh  pgha  di  do.” 


174  THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 

The  translation  of  the  former  is: 

“Walk,  walk  the  bridge.  If  it  falls  the  bigger  it  is,”  meaning 
the  bigger  the  bridge,  the  greater  the  fall.  The  rendering  of  the 
latter  is : 

“Walk,  walk,  the  bigger  the  man,  the  greater  the  fall.” 

When  playing  with  the  chickens,  children  sometimes  catch  one 
of  them  and  pretend  to  rock  it  to  sleep,  droning  the  while: 

“Hsaw  hpo,  mi,  mi. 

N’  mo  n’  pa  leh  hsu  Yo. 

Heh  ke  so  ne  na  p’  theh  tha  wa  ko  lo. 

Aw  gha  lo  gha  lo. 

Me  aw,  hsaw  hpo.” 

The  translation  of  this  runs, 

“Sleep,  sleep,  little  chick. 

Your  mother  and  father  have  gone  to  Shanland. 

They  will  come  back,  bringing  you  a supply  of 
white  betel-nuts. 

You  can  eat  them  one  by  one. 

Sleep,  little  chick.” 

Both  boys  and  girls  play  with  the  seeds  of  the  giant  creeper 
(“maw  keh”).  These  seeds,  which  are  often  two  inches  in  diameter, 
look  much  like  flattened  horse-chestnuts  or  buckeyes.  They  come 
from  the  enormous  pods,  a yard  or  more  in  length,  of  the  vine, 
Estada  pusoetha,  which  grows  a hundred  yards  or  over  along  the 
tops  of  the  forest  trees.®  The  games  in  which  these  seeds  are  used 
are  played  in  the  dry  season.  An  even  number  of  players  is  re- 
quired, divided  into  two  equal  groups  or  “sides.”  Each  side  must 
have  the  same  number  of  seeds,  which  are  made  to  stand  on  their 
edges  by  being  set  in  grooves  in  the  hard  earth.  The  rows  thus 
formed  are  from  eight  to  ten  feet  apart,  according  to  the  age  of 
the  children  playing.  One  player  begins  by  spinning  a “shooter” 
at  the  opposite  row,  aiming  to  knock  down  one  or  more  of  the  nuts 
in  it.  Whether  he  succeeds  or  not,  his  opponent  takes  his  turn,  and 
the  players  thus  shoot  alternately  back  and  forth,  until  one  row  or 
the  other  is  entirely  knocked  over.  The  winning  side  is,  of  course, 
the  one  that  first  demolishes  the  other’s  row. 

In  another  game  played  with  these  seeds  the  two  sides  are  again 
equal  in  the  number  of  players.  However,  only  those  on  one  side 


® Burmese  children  also  play  with  these  seeds. 


BIRTH  CUSTOMS,  CHILDHOOD 


175 


set  up  their  seeds,  while  each  of  those  on  the  other  has  one  shooter, 
which  he  spins  in  turn  at  the  row.  If  he  hits  one  or  more  of  the  nuts, 
he  wins  them.  When  he  knocks  down  all  the  seeds  of  his  immediate 
opponent,  he  changes  places  with  him.  If  he  does  not  succeed  in 
knocking  all  of  them  over,  using  as  shooters  all  of  the  seeds  he  may 
have  won,  he  changes  places  and  sets  up  the  seeds  that  he  had  at 
the  beginning  of  the  game.  Sometimes  these  games  are  played  by 
the  children  while  squatting  on  the  ground,  but  often  the  boy  who 
is  shooting  will  snap  his  seeds  while  sitting  astride  the  back  of  an- 
other boy,  after  the  manner  of  playing  “ride  the  pony,”  which  is 
sometimes  indulged  in  by  European  boys. 

Karen  youths  are  accustomed  to  try  their  strength  in  boxing, 
though  it  is  more  properly  wrestling.  Especially  in  the  Moulmein 
district  is  this  developed  as  an  art  and  the  Karens  there  are  reputed 
to  be  the  best  wrestlers  in  the  country,  so  much  so  that  even  the 
Burmans  concede  their  superiority.  The  contest  is  a sort  of  catch- 
as-catch-can  affair,  in  which  the  object  is  not  to  throw  the  opponent 
but  to  scratch  him  so  as  to  draw  blood.  The  first  drop  of  blood 
showing  on  a contestant  means  that  he  has  lost  the  match.  There 
seems  to  be  few  rules,  for  hands  and  feet  are  used  indiscriminately. 
This  art  appears  to  have  been  practiced  for  a long  time,  for  John 
Crawfurd  in  his  Journal,  in  1827,  says  that  “a  Karyen  peasant  was 
granted  a village  in  perpetuity  by  the  King  [of  Burma]  on  account 
of  his  peculiar  skill  in  boxing.  He  was  to  teach  the  youth  of  this 
village  his  noble  art.”  ’’  This  peasant  seems  to  have  come  from 
Bassein. 

" John  Crawfurd,  Journal  of  an  Embassey  from  the  Governor  General  of  India  to  the 
Court  of  Ava,  Vol.  II,  164. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 

In  the  early  days  it  appears  that  a young  man  did  not  marry  un- 
til he  was  twenty-five  or  thirty  years  of  age.  His  parents,  deciding 
that  it  was  about  time  for  him  to  have  a wife,  either  arranged  with 
the  parents  of  some  maiden  or,  as  was  more  often  the  case,  con- 
fided in  some  friendly  elder  and  entrusted  the  matter  to  him.  If 
they  had  a preference,  they  made  it  known;  but  not  infrequently 
the  mediator  was  permitted  to  select  whomsoever  he  might  think 
best.  It  made  no  difference  whether  the  young  persons  had  ever 
met  or  not.  When  the  subject  was  broached  to  them,  they  usually 
consented ; but  if  they  refused,  as  they  seem  to  have  done  some- 
times, the  proposed  arrangement  was  dropped.  The  mediator  in 
such  an  affair  was  known  as  the  “f  lo  pa.” 

Up  to  a generation  or  two  ago  marriage  between  a Karen 
and  a member  of  another  race  was  altogether  tabu.  This  explains 
why  the  Karen  have  maintained  their  traditions  and  their  social 
solidarity  to  so  remarkable  a degree.  Moreover,  it  was  an  almost 
invariable  rule  among  the  Karen  that  the  young  woman  should 
belong  to  the  same  tribe  as  the  youth.  Even  to  this  day  one  who 
marries  into  another  tribe  is  looked  at  a little  askance  and  is  spoken 
of  as  having  married  outside  (“pgha  htaw  leu  hko”).  It  was  not 
uncommon  for  relatives,  usually  second  or  third  cousins,  to  wed. 
First  cousins  very  rarely  married.  In  Shewegyin  if  a girl  was  a 
relative  of  the  man,  she  must  belong  to  his  generation,  that  is,  they 
must  be  first,  second,  or  third  cousins,  as  the  case  might  be.  She 
might  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  village  as  her  spouse  or  of 
another.  While  it  was  more  common  for  the  parents  of  the  young 
man  to  begin  the  negotiations  for  a wedding,  it  was  not  a rare 
occurrence  for  the  parents  of  a girl  of  marriageable  age  to  begin 
them. 

Child  betrothals  were  not  uncommon  in  the  early  days.  Two 
families,  who  were  on  very  intimate  terms  and  desirous  of  prolong- 
ing their  intimacy  indefinitely,  would  arrange  to  have  their  children 
marry.  Even  young  couples,  who  as  yet  had  no  children,  would 
agree  that,  if  favored  by  fortune,  a marriage  should  take  place  be- 


176 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


177 


tween  their  hoped-for  offspring,  although  such  an  agreement  might 
be  made  at  any  time  during  the  growth  of  the  children.  Such  a 
pact  was  considered  firmly  binding  on  those  concerned.  The  chil- 
dren might  or  might  not  be  told  of  the  arrangement.  Later  on,  at 
any  rate,  the  youth  would  learn  of  it ; and  it  was  expected,  when  the 
proper  time  came,  that  he  would  seek  out  his  betrothed,  even  if  she 
was  then  living  in  a distant  village.  Thra  Than  Bya  tells  of  a 
couple  who  were  thus  affianced  while  living  on  the  banks  of  the  Irra- 
waddy River.  During  hard  times  the  girl’s  parents  removed  from 
one  place  to  another,  until  at  length  they  settled  near  Moulmein, 
When  the  youth  had  reached  man’s  estate,  his  father  told  him  of 
his  engagement  and  sent  him  to  seek  his  betrothed.  Knowing  only 
her  name  and  that  of  her  father,  he  traced  them  from  village  to 
village  until,  arriving  at  the  place  where  they  then  dwelt,  the  chief 
confirmed  the  fact  and  consented  to  the  young  man’s  entering  into 
a rhyming  contest  with  the  maiden,  when  she  should  arrive  at  the 
feast  that  was  being  held  there.  Retiring  into  the  jungle,  the  youth 
got  himself  up  in  disheveled  array,  returned,  and  addressed  the 
damsel  in  poetic  language,  explaining  briefly  his  mission.  She  re- 
pelled his  attentions ; but  he  persisted,  saying  that  she  belonged  to 
him  by  right  of  their  childhood  betrothal.  Thereupon  she  besought 
her  parents  to  save  her  from  such  an  undesirable  husband.  They 
imposed  the  condition  that  she  should  surpass  him  in  the  rhyming 
contest.  Failing  in  the  attempt,  she  humbled  herself  and  invited 
him  to  her  house,  where  her  parents  proceeded  to  celebrate  her 
wedding  with  a great  feast.^ 

Feasts,  especially  funeral-feasts,  were  the  occasions  at  which 
youths  and  maidens  met.  They  used  to  go  to  such  gatherings  in 
companies,  each  with  its  leader  who  was  skilled  in  reciting  or  ex- 
temporizing simple  verses.  Being  thus  thrown  together,  couples 
often  became  engaged,  pledging  themselves  in  verses  like  the 
following : 

Youth:  ‘T  promise  you,  you  promise  me. 

We  have  promised  each  other.” 

Maiden : “After  you  have  promised  me  and  do  not  come. 

Cotton  will  grow  on  your  grave. 

If  you  agree  and  do  not  come, 

Paddy  will  grow  over  your  tomb.” 

^ In  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  for  1866,  Dr.  Mason  mentions  similar  cus- 
toms as  existing  among  the  Karen  of  Toungoo. 


178 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Youth:  “We  are  pledging  each  other  before  the  dead. 

We  shall  not  be  worthy  of  offspring.” 

If  later  during  the  same  festival  either  one  of  the  pair  wished 
to  break  the  betrothal,  they  addressed  each  other  in  verse,  saying: 
“We  promise  each  other  in  rhyme. 

Now  let  us  speak  verse  again. 

May  evil  not  come  upon  us. 

Or  upon  our  descendants.” 

Such  verses  are  called  “hta  thi  kwaw.”  Unless  an  engagement 
thus  made  was  broken  off  the  same  night,  the  young  man  was  un- 
der obligation  to  send  a mediator  to  arrange  for  the  wedding  within 
a short  time.  If  he  failed  to  keep  his  pledge,  his  strength  to  resist 
an  evil  charm  (“so”),  would  lapse,  and  he  would  go,  it  was  thought, 
into  a decline. 

Many  of  these  practices  still  obtain  among  the  Karen  in  the 
outlying  hill-country;  and  in  choosing  a bride  no  step  would  be 
taken  without  divination  by  the  customary  method  of  inspecting 
the  chicken  bones,  except  in  the  case  of  the  betrothals  effected  by 
the  young  people  themselves  at  the  funeral-feasts.  It  sometimes 
happens  that  a young  man,  seeing  a maiden  who  attracts  him,  men- 
tions the  circumstance  to  his  parents,  who  approve  his  choice  and 
send  a mediator  to  her  parents  with  an  offer  of  marriage.  As  the 
services  of  a confidant  are  required  sooner  or  later  in  nearly  all 
cases,  the  omens  are  consulted  and  must  prove  favorable  before  he 
proceeds  on  his  mission.^  If  on  his  way  he  should  chance  on  any- 
thing that  is  inauspicious,  such  as  the  gliding  of  a snake  across  his 
path,  the  barking  of  a deer,  or  the  report  of  a death,  he  will  return 
home.  Otherwise,  he  continues  his  journey  to  the  house  of  the 
young  woman’s  parents.  The  conversation  that  takes  place  there 
is  carried  on  in  verse  characterized  by  figures  of  speech  which  sug- 
gest, but  do  not  state  explicitly,  the  purpose  for  which  the  mediator 
came.  On  entering  the  house,  he  sighs,  perhaps,  and  remarks  that 
he  is  in  a trying  position.  The  parents  inquire  what  the  matter  is, 
and  he  answers  with  a couplet: 

“Give  me  a white  pullet. 

And  I shall  feel  better.” 


- See  Chapter  XXVII,  pp.  280,  ff. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


179 


The  parents  apprehend  that  he  is  asking  for  their  daughter. 
If  not  ready  to  give  her  in  marriage,  they  may  answer : 

“This  white  pullet  we  have  but  raised ; 

Never  once  has  she  cackled.” 


The  hint  is  sufficient,  and  the  mediator  promptly  makes  his 
adieu  in  plainer  speech: 

“You  have  not  received  me.  Do  not  revile  me. 

The  youth’s  parents  will  keep  their  son. 


180 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


You  did  not  consent,  but  you  spoke  kindly. 

As  for  me,  I am  not  discouraged.” 

In  case,  however,  the  parents  are  favorably  inclined,  but  are 
in  doubt  as  to  who  the  young  man  may  be,  knowing  that  their 
caller  has  a son  of  his  own,  they  ask  him : 

“Do  you  come  on  your  own  legs. 

Or  on  those  of  another?” 

He  replies : 

“On  the  legs  of  another.” 

Or  they  may  be  uncertain  as  to  whether  he  intends  his  offer  of 
marriage  for  their  maiden  daughter  or  the  older  one,  an  eligible 
young  widow.  So  they  ask  him : 

“Are  you  crossing  a flat  bridge  or  a round  one?” 

The  expression  “flat  bridge”  refers  to  the  young  widow,  the 
other  to  the  maiden.  A “round  bridge”  is  a log,  for  in  the  jungle 
a bridge  is  commonly  nothing  more  than  a log.  A flat  bridge  is 
one  made  of  planks.  The  significance  of  the  two  expressions  as 
applied  by  the  parents  is  obscure  to  me,  but  is  subject  to  several 
interpretations.  If  there  should  be  two  unmarried  daughters  in  the 
family,  both  eligible,  the  parents  would  inquire : 

“Have  you  come  for  a basket  of  rice 
Or  only  for  a mortarful  ?” 

The  basket,  being  the  larger  receptacle  refers  to  the  older  and,  pre- 
sumably, larger  maiden.® 

During  his  first  call  the  mediator  does  not  expect  to  progress 
far  in  his  negotiations.  If  he  has  been  favorably  received,  the  fam- 
ily may  kill  a chicken  and  invite  him  to  eat  with  them.  He  departs 
without  knowing  what  the  outcome  will  be,  and  the  parents  find  an 
early  opportunity  to  get  the  consent  of  their  unmarried  daughter 
to  become  a married  woman  (“mii  pgha”). 

On  his  second  visit  a few  days  later  the  intermediary  may  find 
the  father  sitting  at  the  front  of  the  house  and  probably  overhears 
him  call  out  to  the  mother  at  one  of  her  tasks  within : “Here  comes 
that  male  buffalo.  Shall  we  tether  him  or  let  him  go?”  If  she 
shouts  back : “We  might  as  well  tether  him,”  he  knows  that  his 
proposal  will  be  accepted.  Even  should  she  reply  to  the  contrary, 
the  caller  would  enter  the  house  and  pay  his  visit,  but  would  make 


3 The  Karens  often  use  the  word  “larprer”  in  referring  to  an  older  child. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


181 


no  reference  to  the  object  of  the  call.  This  whole  procedure  illus- 
trates not  only  a Karen,  but  also  an  Oriental,  trait  of  character.  The 
Oriental  deals  in  indirect  methods,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  say- 
ing something  disagreeable. 

Realizing  that  his  mission  is  not  in  vain,  the  intermediary  en- 
ters the  house  of  the  prospective  bride’s  parents  in  joyous  mood, 
fairly  shouting  the  Karen  version  of  “tra-la-la,”  which  is  “traw-le, 
wa-le,  ho-o-o.”  They  sit  down  and  discuss  the  matter.  Then  the 
parents  kill  a fowl  or  a pig,  and  the  guest  stays  for  dinner  in  token 
that  the  bargain  is  sealed.  After  the  date  for  the  wedding-feast 
has  been  set,  the  intermediary  returns  to  the  young  man’s  family 
and  reports  his  success.  As  a rule  the  time  of  the  feast  is  fixed  by 
the  maiden’s  parents,  but  it  is  sometimes  determined  by  the  youth’s 
family. 

The  only  month  that  is  tabu  for  wedding-feasts  is  “La  plu’’ 
(December).  This  is  the  month  when  the  moon  is  most  often 
eclipsed  (swallowed  by  the  dogs).  To  many  the  month  seems  as 
though  it  were  killed  and  is,  therefore,  regarded  as  inauspicious  for 
new  life.  Others  say  that  it  is  the  month  when  neither  birds  nor 
animals  mate,  and  that  it  is  unwise  for  men  to  undertake  to  start 
a new  household.  The  favorite  months  for  marriages  are  March 
and  April  in  the  dry  season,  because  the  harvest  is  past,  the  weather 
is  good,  and  there  is  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The  date  of  the  wed- 
ding must  fall  during  the  waxing  of  the  moon,  which  augurs  an 
increasing  family.  This  important  point  being  settled,  the  pro- 
spective bride  busies  herself  less  with  the  preparation  of  her  own 
trousseau  than  with  the  weaving  of  a set  of  new  garments  for  her 
future  husband,  including  a white  turban,  a white  blanket  with 
a red  stripe  running  through  it  lengthwise,  and,  in  the  olden  days,  a 
“hse  plo”  or  single  smock.  The  maiden’s  family  prepare  the  rice, 
fish-paste,  pork,  and  liquor  for  the  feast.  The  prospective  groom 
has  only  to  make  for  himself  a horn  to  be  blown  at  the  festivities. 
On  the  plains  and  in  those  places  in  the  hills  where  each  family  has 
its  separate  house,  a booth  or  “k’la  pyeh”  is  built  close  at  hand  for 
the  wedding-feasts.^  This  structure  must  be  so  placed  as  to  have 
its  entrance  towards  the  tail  of  the  “p’yo”  or  great  dragon  of  the 
Karens.  Not  long  ago  I saw  such  a booth,  which  was  enclosed 
on  three  sides  and  had  a small  open  entrance  to  the  east.  The 
south  side  was  entirely  open.  Access  to  the  structure  was  had 

^ This  booth  is  often  called  a “mandat/’  The  name,  “k’la  pyeh,”  is  from  the  Burmese. 
Perhaps  the  booth  itself  is  of  Burmese  origrin,  but  I do  not  know. 


182 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


through  the  east  door  and  exit  from  the  south  side.  The  dragon 
was  supposed  at  the  time  to  be  lying  with  its  head  to  the  west  and 
its  tail  to  the  east. 

With  the  near  approach  of  the  wedding-day  the  friends  of  the 
groom  gather  at  his  village,  blowing  horns,  beating  on  gongs  and 
drums,  striking  cymbals,  and  chanting  “htas.”  Early  on  the  wed- 
ding-morn every  one  is  astir.  The  rice  is  cooked  and  eaten  by  sun- 
rise and,  to  an  accompaniment  of  all  the  noisy  instruments  and 
with  shouting  and  singing,  the  party  sets  forth.  In  the  olden  days, 
when  the  precepts  of  the  elders  were  strictly  observed,  there  was 
much  drinking  of  liquor  and  boisterous  sport  on  such  occasions,  but 
withal  a certain  decorum  was  not  altogether  lacking  by  reason  of 
the  halting  of  the  procession  from  stage  to  stage  and  the  reciting 
of  appropriate  verses.  As  the  party  is  ready  to  leave  the  village 
they  sing: 

“To-day  is  a good  day. 

We  shall  see  a maiden  as  fair  as  cotton-wool. 

This  is  indeed  a good  day. 

We  shall  behold  one  as  fair  as  a cotton  boll.” 

On  setting  forth,  they  do  not  overlook  the  unmarried  girls  of 
the  village: 

“Here  you  have  not  loved  me. 

Listen  to  my  wedding-horns  blowing  yonder. 

Remain  here.  You  have  not  esteemed  me. 

Watch  us  depart  with  our  horns  blowing.” 

On  the  journey  they  sing: 

“The  wedding  is  timed  at  the  coming  of  the  rats. 

Unless  death  intrudes,  we  shall  prosper. 

The  marriage  takes  place  when  the  rodents  are  here. 

Unless  death  comes,  we  shall  work  and  be  happy.”  ® 

As  they  approach  the  bride’s  village  a party  greets  them : 

“The  ‘the  kaw’  blossoms  in  the  dark  of  the  moon. 

The  moon  waxes  and  wanes. 

The  ‘the  kaw’  blossoms  in  the  full  of  the  moon. 

The  moon  increases  and  declines.”  ® 

The  above  stanza  refers  to  the  maidens,  still  unmarried,  who 
are  waiting  from  one  moon  to  the  next.  The  groom  replies : 

5 The  years  of  full  crops  always  brinpr  a plas2:ue  of  rats  in  the  hills.  Thus,  the  time  of 
rats  is  a time  of  prosperity. 

® This  verse,  recited  by  the  villagers,  refers  to  the  girls  who  have  not  yet  married  and  are 
still  waiting  from  one  moon  to  the  next. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


183 


“The  mountains  are  great  and  lofty. 

My  desire  brought  me,  panting. 

Reeking  with  sweat  on  the  towering  hills, 

My  passion  brought  me,  leaping  and  bounding. 

I was  wretched.  I only  trusted. 

Whether  good  or  bad  the  omens,  come  I would.” 

The  whole  company  now  enters  the  village,  and  its  members  are 
offered  drink.  (See  page  185) . Meanwhile,  the  young  men  shout: 
“You  have  expected  a company. 

Can  you  feast  such  a company  as  we  ? 

You  invited  a crowd. 

Can  you  spread  a feast  for  all  of  us?” 

The  hosts  disclaim  making  any  preparation  for  the  company : 

“There  is  nothing  to  eat. 

Let  us  resort  together  to  the  betel-box. 

As  yet  we  have  nothing  else. 

Let  us  partake  from  the  bamboo  betel-box.” 

But  the  guests  will  not  be  satisfied  with  betel  chewing  only : 

“Boil  for  us.  Brew  our  drink. 

Feed  us  the  white  progeny  of  the  pot." 

The  hand  raises  food  and  drink. 

And  the  heart  is  satisfied.” 

The  women  now  insist  that  with  little  or  no  paddy  they  can  do 
nothing : 

“Have  you  not  looked  at  the  supply  of  paddy? 

We  women  can  prepare  neither  rice  nor  liquor. 

Have  you  not  seen  the  paddy? 

We  can  neither  cook  rice  nor  brew  liquor.” 

But  the  young  men  do  not  relax  their  demands : 

“Bring  out  your  distilling  pipe. 

That  you  have  none,  we  do  not  believe. 

Come  prod  us  with  your  distilling  tube. 

That  you  lack  one,  we  are  not  convinced.” 

At  length,  the  women  consent  to  supply  what  they  have : 

“We  have  nothing  worth  bringing  to  serve  you. 

But  will  fetch  it,  as  ordered,  though  we  suffer.” 

In  some  instances  the  intermediary  acts  as  master  of  cere- 
monies for  the  young  men,  although  they  may  choose  another  elder 
to  serve  as  their  leader.  In  Shwegyin,  when  the  wedding  party  is 
about  half-way  to  the  village  of  the  prospective  bride,  the  elders 

This  refers  to  the  white  kernaJs  of  the  cooked  rice,  which  are  often  spoken  of  as  the 
“children  of  the  pot.” 


184 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


halt  the  young  men  and  instruct  them  in  the  proprieties  of  the  ap- 
proaching occasion,  reminding  them  that  they  are  going  to  a strange 
village  where  they  will  be  entertained  as  guests.  The  hosts  will 
serve  them  with  rice  and  spirits.  The  elders  remind  them  that  the 
rice  liquor  that  will  be  provided  has  been  twice  boiled  and  would 
intoxicate  a horse  or  an  elephant.  They,  therefore,  advise  moder- 
ation, telling  them  also  not  to  hear  any  evil  that  may  be  spoken  of 
them,  to  remain  seated  though  others  stand,  to  continue  reclining 
though  others  sit  up,  to  answer  mildly  though  others  speak  roughly, 
and  not  to  strike  back  should  others  slap  them  in  the  face.  The 
elders  require  the  company  to  say  definitely  that  they  will  remem- 
ber their  advice,  whereupon  each  one  breaks  a twig  from  a tree  to 
be  placed  in  a pile  on  the  ground  in  token  of  the  promise  of  all  to 
conduct  themselves  properly  and  keep  the  peace. 

A few'  years  ago  I visited  a village  in  the  Pegu  Yomas  at  the 
time  of  a wedding.  In  the  room  of  the  bride’s  family  they  were 
preparing  quantities  of  I’ice  and  curries.  However,  no  liquor  was  in 
evidence.  The  bride  herself  w'as  busy  carrying  water  almost  to  the 
moment  that  the  horns  sounded  at  the  village  gate.  The  new  cloth- 
ing for  the  groom  w'as  resting  upon  the  beam  over  the  door.  Now 
and  again  the  horns  and  gongs  could  be  heard  in  the  distance.  A 
party  arriving  from  a village  to  the  north  waited  outside  the  gate, 
in  order  to  avoid  the  impropriety  of  preceding  the  groom’s  party, 
which  was  coming  from  across  the  valley,  as  the  sounds  reaching  us 
fi’om  time  to  time  from  that  direction  informed  us.  As  the  groom’s 
retinue  ascended  the  hill,  the  w'aiting  delegation  hailed  them  with 
the  din  of  their  instruments,  the  other  crowd  giving  vent  in  re- 
sponse w'ith  a volume  of  noise  that  showed  them  to  be  still  unex- 
hausted by  the  ascending  of  the  hill.  Brief  intervals  of  silence 
follow'ed  by  intermittent  shouts  and  blasts  of  the  horns  indicated 
that  the  groom  and  his  party  w'ere  being  w'elcomed  by  the  elders. 

As  the  procession  again  moved  forw'ard,  we  could  catch 
glimpses  of  the  red-bordered  smocks  or  “hse  plos”  of  the  men.  On 
their  nearer  approach  w'e  could  see  the  elders  in  the  lead,  followed 
by  the  married  w'omen  and  after  them  the  groom  attended  by  his 
party  of  young  men.  They  now  advanced  along  the  narrow  paths 
by  tw'os  and  threes  with  their  arms  around  each  other,  jumping 
and  frolicing  as  they  came.  The  bright  colors  of  their  costumes 
W'ere  accentuated  by  the  bright  red  bags  slung  over  their  shoulders 
and  the  long  tassels  hanging  from  these.  The  large  silver  earrings 
adorned  the  lobes  of  their  ears,  which  were  further  decorated  by 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


185 


A Bridegroom’s  Company  Entering  the  Bride’s  Village 
Notice  the  young  women  leaving  the  house  as  they  are  entering  it. 


The  Wedding  Party 

They  are  keeping  still  for  a few  minutes  to  have  their  photograph  taken 


186 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


bits  of  red  and  yellow  wool  or  by  beads.  The  women  wore  heavily 
beaded  smocks  above  their  richly  colored  skirts,  numerous  chains 
of  silver  and  glass  beads,  and  red  and  white  turbans.  Meanwhile, 
the  horns  were  emitting  alternate  short  and  long  tones  of  reedy 
timbre.  When  the  guests  began  to  gather  at  the  foot  of  the  ladder, 
a boy  was  there  with  a jar  of  water  from  which  he  sprinkled  the 
feet  of  each  one  as  he  ascended  into  the  house.  Shouts  of  “traw 
le-o,  traw  le-o”  mingled  with  the  notes  of  the  horns  as  the  groom 
advanced  to  the  doorway  of  his  bride’s  parents.  Here  he  was  met 
by  two  young  men,  neither  of  whom  had  lost  a parent  (such  is  the 
requirement  of  the  occasion),  who  poured  the  contents  of  two  bam- 
boo water  joints  over  him,  completely  drenching  him.  They  then 
assisted  him  to  don  the  new  garments  provided  for  him  by  his  be- 
trothed.® The  din  produced  by  the  merry-makers  by  no  means 
ceased  when  they  had  entered  the  house.  Indeed,  it  only  seemed 
to  increase,  being  punctuated  now  and  then  with  a shout  which 
served  as  a signal  for  the  crowd  to  jump  up  and  down  on  the  plain 
bamboo  floor,  shaking  the  whole  building  until  it  seemed  ready  to 
collapse. 

Meanwhile,  the  bride  had  long  since  retired  into  obscurity  in  a 
rear  room.  Any  glimpse  of  her  called  forth  all  the  noise  the  crowd 
was  capable  of.  In  Karen  w^eddings,  as  in  most  Oriental  nuptials, 
the  bride  keeps  herself  in  the  background  as  much  as  possible.  I 
once  asked  to  see  the  bride  at  a wedding  on  the  plains  and  was 
told  that  she  was  back  in  the  darkest  part  of  the  room.  I remember 
that  I gazed  intently,  but  was  not  able  to  discern  her. 

The  groom  in  his  wedding-array  occupied  himself  in  cutting 
in  two-yard  lengths  a long  piece  of  white  muslin  and  distributing 
these  for  turbans  to  the  male  relatives  of  the  bride.  On  request 
the  chief  of  the  village  permitted  the  young  men  to  visit  the  differ- 
ent rooms  of  the  village-house,  for  the  purpose  of  merry-making 
under  such  restrictions  as  he  saw  fit  to  impose.  After  that  they 
quieted  down  for  the  remainder  of  the  day,  spending  most  of  their 
time  in  chewing  betel,  telling  stories,  and  amusing  themselves  in 
other  ways.  Many  of  them  went  apart  into  a room  to  sleep,  having 
had  little  rest  the  night  before. 

When  a wedding  is  about  to  take  place  in  a village  nearly  all 
the  young  women  of  the  place  disappear,  leaving  the  day  before  the 
event  for  a visit  to  another  village  or  retiring  into  the  jungle.  The 

^ Dr.  Mason  tells  us  that  it  was  the  custom  for  the  bride  to  be  conducted  to  the  grroom’s 
house  and  to  be  there  drenched  with  water:  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1866. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


187 


bolder  ones  may  remain,  but  spend  their  time  under  the  houses  or 
in  the  deeper  shadows. 

After  darkness  has  come  on  and  the  party  has  finished  the 
evening  meal,  the  young  men  make  the  round  of  the  village,  hunt- 
ing for  any  of  the  girls  who  have  had  the  temerity  to  remain.  Those 
who  are  caught  are  subjected  to  good-natured  badgering  and  per- 
haps to  pretended  abduction.  Shouting,  the  noise  of  the  instru- 
ments, and  the  slaps  on  the  floor  and  sides  of  the  house  with  bam- 
boos split  at  one  end  into  six  or  eight  strips,  accompany  this  hunt 
for  the  maidens.  Such  sport  does  not  degenerate  into  ill-treatment 
of  the  girls,  if  they  are  caught,  even  though  the  men  have  indulged 
in  liquor;  but  the  fun  is  certain  to  be  kept  up  all  night,  and  some- 
times the  scant  partitions  between  the  living-rooms  of  the  village 
families  are  removed,  with  the  permission  of  the  chief,  to  enable  the 
visitors  to  circulate  the  more  freely  throughout  the  village-house. 

Among  the  Shwegin  Karen  a vestige  of  wife-purchase  appears 
to  have  survived.  I am  told  that  as  night  comes  on  the  intermediary 
and  the  visiting  elders  place  a jacket  and  skirt  on  a winnowing-tray 
and  carry  them  to  the  parents  of  the  bride  as  “ta  k’ner”  or  “things 
that  will  win.”  The  local  elders,  who  are  present  with  the  parents, 
decline  to  accept  the  garments  as  being  of  too  little  value.  The 
intermediary  retires  to  return  with  some  added  articles — a head- 
dress, bracelets,  and  beads.  The  parents  and  village  elders  are  not 
yet  satisfied,  and  the  intermediary  has  to  add  a silver  head-band, 
earrings,  and  a lump  of  silver  to  the  things  on  his  tray,  before  he  is 
regarded  as  offering  a sufficient  price.  A bottle  of  liquor  is  now 
brought  out  and  drunk  by  way  of  sealing  the  bargain,  and  the  vil- 
lage elders  announce  that  “the  price  is  paid.”  Among  these  same 
people  it  is  customary  for  the  elders,  on  the  morning  of  the  second 
day  of  the  wedding-feasts,  to  send  the  bridegroom  and  his  young 
men  out  on  a hunt.  The  game  taken  must  be  brought  back  by  the 
groom  on  his  own  shoulders  and  carried  by  him  to  the  house  of  the 
bride.  This  hunt  is  his  last  with  his  fellows  and  his  first  foraging 
expedition  for  the  household  he  is  establishing. 

On  the  last  evening  of  the  feasts  a ceremony  used  to  be  per- 
formed that  is  rarely  seen  nowadays.  I have  been  informed  that  it 
was  the  main  part  of  the  marriage-feasts,  signifying  the  uniting 
of  husband  and  wife.  Its  name  was  “Hpo  nya  mo,  hpo  nya  pa,”  and 
meant  “Children  tease  mother;  children  tease  father.”  For  this 
ceremony  the  bride  prepared  a cock  and  a hen,  which  were  boiled 
whole,  and  she  also  cooked  a pot  of  rice.  These  were  placed  in  the 


188 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


inner  room  of  the  house.  Thither  the  groom  was  escorted  to  his 
bride  in  the  evening  by  his  attendants,  who  chanted : 

“Go,  escort  the  husband  to  the  maiden. 

The  mother  looks  on  with  smiles. 

The  wild  buffalo  shall  enter. '■* 

Tell  the  father  to  fasten  the  door. 

Lead  the  young  man  to  her  room. 

Let  no  one  molest  him. 

Take  in  the  youth. 

Leave  him  undisturbed.” 

After  the  groom  had  seated  himself  near  his  bride,  the  rice  and 
fowls  were  set  before  them.  Each  in  turn  took  sparingly  of  the 
food,  while  the  company  looked  on  until  the  bride  I’aised  a morsel  to 
her  lips,  when  they  shouted  “Hpo  nya  mo ! Hpo  nya  pa !”  and  began 
to  scramble  for  the  chickens,  which  they  pulled  to  pieces  and  threw 
at  the  women.  The  latter  returned  the  volley  with  shouts  of  “Hpo 
nya  mo!  Hyo  nya  ma!”  This  “teasing”  of  the  future  parents  and 
throwing  scraps  of  chicken  at  one  another  is  said  to  have  betokened 
the  mutual  expression  of  good  wishes  for  increasing  families  for 
all  those  participating  in  the  ceremony.  The  groom  was  then  es- 
corted back  to  the  booth  or  the  guest-room,  where  he  spent  the 
night  with  his  friends. 

Returning  from  our  digressions  in  the  preceding  three  para- 
graphs, the  villagers  early  on  the  second  morning  of  the  wedding 
ceremonies  prepare  a feast  of  rice  and  chicken  curry  for  their 
guests.  Not  less  than  two  young  roosters  or  two  pullets  are  used 
in  the  preparation  of  this  final  feast,  every  part  of  the  fowls  be- 
ing cooked,  even  the  intestines,  which  have  been  carefully  cleaned. 
Bits  of  stewed  plantain  stalks  are  included  in  the  dish,  inasmuch 
as  the  prolific  nature  of  this  plant  is  supposed  to  be  communi- 
cated to  those  partaking  of  it,  thus  assuring  the  large  families 
desired.  A joint  of  bamboo  full  of  liquor  is  also  brought  out. 
The  bride  and  groom  must  then  dip  their  fingers  into  the  liquor 
and  the  food,  while  calling  out  “Pru-r-r  k’la,  heh  ke”  (“Pru-r-r  k’la, 
come  back”),  two  or  three  times.  The  elders  now  shout:  “This 
day  you  twain,  husband  and  wife,  have  become  one  spirit. 
May  God  take  care  of  you.  May  the  Just  One  watch  over  you.  May 
the  powerful  Thi  Hko  Mii  Xa  (Lord  of  the  demons)  shield  you. 
May  you  have  strength  to  work  and  gain  your  livelihood.  May  you 
sleep  in  peace  and  eat  the  fruits  of  the  land.  May  you  have  long  life, 
ten  children,  and  one  hundred  grandchildren.”  The  elders  next  ad- 


A nickname  for  the  intermediary. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


189 


dress  the  “k’la,”  as  follows : “Pru-r-r  k’la,  return,  return.  Do  not 
stay  in  the  jungle.  Behold  your  place  here.  Do  not  leave  it.  Go 
not  away.  Look  at  your  own  room.  See  your  own  place.”  A mor- 
sel of  the  rice,  together  with  the  heart  and  lungs  of  the  fowls,  is 
then  placed  upon  the  heads  of  the  bridal  pair,  and  the  guests  pro- 
ceed to  eat  the  remainder  of  the  feast,  finishing  it  before  sunrise. 

Thus  far  the  intermediary  has  passed  through  the  marriage 
celebration  with  the  consideration  on  all  hands  belonging  to  one 
who  has  conducted  successfully  the  negotiations  between  the  parents 
of  the  groom  and  those  of  the  bride.  He  has  been  the  groom’s  per- 
sonal attendant,  has  carried  his  principal’s  few  worldly  goods  to  the 
bride’s  house  for,  as  among  the  ancient  Hebrews,  the  young  man 
leaves  his  father  and  mother  to  become  a member  of  his  wife’s 
family.  But  now  the  intermediary  finds  himself  suddenly  deprived 
of  his  position  of  respect  and  becomes  the  butt  of  the  night’s  fun. 
The  foot  of  a pig  killed  for  the  feast  is  tied  about  his  neck  with  a 
rattan,  and  its  head  is  set  upon  a post  of  the  house  for  him  to  bark 
at  for  the  sport  of  the  guests.^®  If  he  could  lift  the  head  down  from 
the  post,  it  became  his  possession.  His  success  in  accomplishing 
this  was  said  to  symbolize  his  skill  in  finding  a suitable  wife  for  his 
friend,  which  was  likened  to  the  scent  of  the  old  Karen  hunting 
dogs  (“htwi  maw  seh”)  in  the  chase.  The  guests  now  take  their  de- 
parture for  their  several  villages,  having  spent  two  days,  if  not 
more  as  sometimes  happens,  at  the  celebration.  No  one  whose  feet 
were  sprinkled  on  his  arrival,  is  allowed  to  leave  until  the  celebra- 
tion is  over. 

After  the  departure  of  the  guests,  the  intermediary  remarks  to 
the  bride’s  parents;  “I  have  brought  you  a son.  Cherish  him.  If 
you  have  aught  to  say  against  him,  speak  it  out  now.”  On  receiving 
a negative  reply  he  continues : “I  have  given  him  into  your  hands. 
I have  done  my  duty,  and  my  task  is  finished.”  One  of  the  village 
elders  tells  the  intermediary^  that  after  seven  days  he  will  be  free 
from  blame  in  case  anything  evil  transpires  concerning  the  groom. 
The  bride’s  parents  present  him  with  a pair  of  fowls  for  his  serv- 
ices, which  he  carries  home  and  keeps,  unless  by  reason  of  illness 
he  must  sacrifice  them  to  recall  his  wandering  “k’la.” 

The  groom  lingers  about  the  village  during  the  day  after  the 
guests  have  gone  and  in  the  evening  is  escorted  by  some  of  the 
elders  to  the  bride’s  room.  Formerly  in  some  localities  it  was  cus- 

In  some  places  the  pig’s  head  was  hung  about  the  intermediary’s  neck,  and  he  went 
about  barking  at  one  or  another  of  the  company,  as  the  spirit  moved. 


190 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


tomary  to  sprinkle  the  bridal  floor  with  rice  to  give  the  pair  a fruit- 
ful married  life.  Possibly  the  showering  of  rice  on  newly  married 
couples  in  the  West  had  originally  a similar  significance.  How- 
ever, I have  been  told  that  in  the  olden  times  couples  often  refrained 
from  living  together  for  months  or  even  a year  or  two  after  their 
marriage. 

Many  tabus  were  formerly  observed  by  parties  going  to  a wed- 
ding. If  they  heard  of  a death,  passed  a funeral,  or  came  into  con- 
tact with  anything  connected  with  a burial,  the  intermediary  at 
once  halted  his  companions  and  directed  them  to  recall  their  “k’las.’' 
If  a snake  crossed  their  path,  he  stopped  them  and  addressed  the 
reptile:  “You  follow  your  path,  and  we  will  follow  ours.  Our  way  is 
short  and  pleasant.  Yours  is  long  and  evil.”  If  they  happened  to 
hear  the  call  of  the  red-headed  woodpecker,  which  is  considered  a 
bird  of  ill-omen,  he  would  cry  out:  “You  may  be  sick  and  die.  It  is 
nothing  to  us.  Let  the  white  ginger  burn  you.”  If  they  came  upon 
a dead  wild  animal,  the  intermediary  reminded  the  company  that 
death,  having  taken  its  victim,  would  not  touch  them.  Chancing  to 
meet  another  wedding  party,  the  two  groups  exchanged  the  greet- 
ing: “May  you  be  free  from  all  evil,  and  may  you  have  peace.”  If 
either  company  had  liquor  with  them,  they  all  drank  together. 

Certain  tabus  made  it  necessary  for  the  whole  party  to  sit 
down  where  they  were  and  wait  until  they  believed  the  danger  was 
past.  They  did  this  when  they  heard  the  call  of  the  plover,  the  cry 
of  the  barking-deer,  the  “tauke  te”  of  the  lizard,  or  the  scream  of 
the  woodpecker.  When  about  to  renew  their  journey  after  an  in- 
terruption of  this  kind,  they  pretended  to  spit  something  out  of  their 
mouths,  saying:  “Let  all  evil  remain  on  you.”  A sneeze  would 
halt  the  entire  retinue  until  the  leader  was  assured  that  no  more 
sneezes  were  to  follow. 

According  to  modem  usage  the  groom  is  supposed  to  remain  in 
his  wife’s  house  three,  seven,  or  any  other  number  of  days  required 
by  her  parents.  After  the  specified  interval  has  elapsed,  he  is  free 
to  go  about  as  he  pleases ; but  he  seldom  returns  to  his  own  village, 
except  for  a brief  visit.  The  general  custom  is  for  the  husband  to 
settle  down  with  his  parents-in-law,  a practice  that  looks  much 
like  a survival  from  the  matriarchal  stage  of  the  Karen’s  past. 

Should  the  marriage  prove  unsatisfactory  to  the  wife  or  her 
parents  and  they  wish  to  sever  the  connection,  they  must  purchase 
their  release  by  paying  the  husband  an  ox  or  one  hundred  rupees. 


MARRIAGE  CUSTOMS 


191 


Karen  Girls  of  the  Plains,  THA.RRAWAr>r)Y  District 
They  have  put  on  their  best  and  brought  out  their  umbrellas  and 
handkerchiefs  for  display. 


Christian  Converts,  Ngape  Eh  Village,  Tharrawaddy  District 

A village  near  the  plains,  hence  the  combination  of  Karen  and  Burmese  costumes. 


192 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


In  case  the  young  man  is  dissatisfied  with  the  union  he  has  formed, 
the  price  to  be  paid  by  him  is  much  larger,  namely,  three  hundred 
rupees,  one  change  of  clothing,  bracelets,  earrings,  and  other 
jewelry.  Because  the  man  and  his  parents  have  the  initiative  and 
exercise  the  right  of  choice  in  effecting  a marriage,  the  justice  of  the 
above  arrangement  is  obvious. 

I have  been  repeatedly  assured  that  in  the  early  days,  when 
the  Karen  people  lived  unto  themselves,  moral  lapses  were  uncom- 
mon among  them,  and  that  the  lot  of  young  persons  found  to  be 
holding  improper  relations  with  each  other  was  a hard  one.  Their 
sin  was  regarded  not  only  as  an  offense  against  their  household 
gods,  the  “Bgha,”  but  also  a crime  against  the  community,  inasmuch 
as  it  was  supposed  to  cause  sterility  of  the  earth  and,  hence,  loss  of 
crops.  The  sinful  ones  were  brought  before  the  elders,  who,  hav- 
ing eaten  two  fowls  that  were  cooked  whole  for  them,  required  the 
couple  to  sacrifice  a large  animal,  that  is,  a buffalo,  an  ox,  a pig,  or 
a goat.  The  blood  of  the  slain  creature  was  sprinkled  on  the  ground 
“to  ^cool  it  off”  or,  in  other  words,  to  remove  the  curse  that  rested 
upon  it.  The  elders  then  resorted  to  extreme  methods  to  shame 
the  offenders,  who  were  driven  from  the  village,  sometimes  after 
having  been  stripped  naked.  As  they  were  not  allowed  to 
mingle  with  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  perhaps  for  several  years, 
they  either  went  to  some  distant  village  to  live,  or  built  themselves 
a hut  in  the  jungle. 


On  the  subject  of  adultery  and  its  relation  to  divorce  among  the  Karen,  see  p.  148. 


CHAPTER  XX 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 

When  a Karen  is  ill,  his  sickness  is  thought  to  be  due  to  some 
action  of  the  malevolent  spirits  of  the  unseen  world  or  to  the  wan- 
dering of  his  “k’la”  (life  principle  or  psyche).  His  malady  may  be 
due  to  an  accident,  an  attack  of  indigestion  after  eating  too  many 
green  mangoes,  or  an  infection  of  some  sort;  but,  according  to  his 
belief,  some  invisible  spirit  has  been  offended  by  a slight  and  is  the 
real  cause  of  his  disorder.^ 

The  seven-fold  “k’la,”  which  presides  over  the  life  of  every 
person  from  the  time  of  his  birth,  will,  the  Karen  believes,  deter- 
mine the  time  and  manner  of  that  person’s  death.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  fact  that  one  or  another  of  the  many  causes  of  death  will 
sometime  effect  the  dissolution  of  every  member  of  the  race,  the 
Karen  makes  offerings  to  delay  as  long  as  possible  the  inevitable 
end.  Most  propitiatory  feasts  require  the  presence  of  every  im- 
mediate member  of  the  family,  in  order  to  render  the  feasts  accept- 
able to  the  spirits.  If  the  sick  person  seems  to  be  sinking,  his  rela- 
tives will  all  remain  and  try  to  be  at  hand  when  he  breathes  his 
last. 

Karen  funerals  are  by  no  means  solemn  occasions.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  afford  the  greatest  opportunity  for  the  people  to  enjoy 
themselves.  I have  heard  it  said  that  when  a considerable  time  has 
elapsed  since  a death  in  a particular  region,  the  young  people  long 
for  someone  to  die,  so  that  they  may  have  a jolly  time.  The  question 
has  often  been  raised  why  the  Karen,  who  are  not  without  family 
affection,  conduct  themselves  in  what  to  Occidentals  is  a very  un- 
seemly manner  at  the  funerals  of  their  dearly  beloved  ones.  Possi- 
bly some  light  is  thrown  on  this  question  by  the  story  of  the  fabu- 
lous White  Python.  According  to  this  story,  after  the  python  had 
been  compelled  to  release  “Naw  Mil  E,”  it  took  vengeance  by  killing 
men  in  great  numbers  by  discharging  its  venom  on  their  footprints. 
It  took  pleasure  in  hearing  of  the  suffering  and  sorrow  it  was  caus- 
ing the  human  race  and,  therefore,  redoubled  its  efforts.  The  peo- 

1 See  Chapter  XXIII,  pp.  239-245,  and  Chapter  XXIV,  pp.  249-254,  257. 


193 


194 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


pie,  fearing  lest  they  should  become  extinct,  sought  to  overcome 
the  python  by  guile.  They  determined  to  try  the  plan  of  deceiving 
the  serpent  and  its  menials  by  ostentatious  feasting  and  festivity 
when  a person  died  through  its  malevolence,  instead  of  mourning 
over  the  victim.  This  subterfuge  proved  to  be  successful,  for  the 
servants  of  the  python  reported  to  their  master  that  the  people  were 
no  longer  succumbing  to  its  poison,  but  were  rejoicing  over  their 
newly  won  immunity.  At  this  the  enraged  serpent  discharged  all 
of  its  venom  and  thereby  lost  the  power  it  had  formerly  possessed 
of  causing  the  death  of  human  beings. 

This  tale  reveals  the  Karen’s  profound  fear  of  the  mysterious 
causes  of  death.  He  is  unacquainted  with  the  modern  sciences  of 
physiology,  pathology,  hygiene,  etc.  Some  unknown  power  removes 
his  parents  or  his  children,  and  he  strives  to  fortify  himself  against 
it.  The  White  Python  of  the  tale  typifies  the  evil  spirits,  who  are 
continually  lying  in  wait  for  him  and  the  members  of  his  family. 
His  object  seems  to  be  to  counteract  their  baneful  influence,  even 
in  the  hour  of  its  manifestation,  by  concealing  his  sorrow  and  in- 
dulging in  ceremonial  feasting  and  forced  hilarity.  Such  appears 
to  be  the  significance  of  the  story  of  “Naw  Mil  E”  and  the  fabulous 
White  Python. 

The  people  have  their  own  explanations  of  their  mode  of  con- 
ducting funerals.  One  is  that  certain  of  their  sports  assist  the 
spirit  of  the  departed  to  avoid  the  pitfalls  in  his  path  as  he  journeys 
from  this  world  to  his  proper  place  in  the  next.  They  are  employ- 
ing the  appropriate  means  “to  make  his  way  cool,”  as  they  express 
it.  Being  inhabitants  of  a tropical  region,  the  word  “cool”  is  the 
Karen’s  synonym  for  comfortable  and  pleasant.  Another  explana- 
tion given  by  the  Karen  for  his  method  of  conducting  funerals  is 
that  he  aims  to  cheer  the  hearts  of  those  who  are  bereaved.  Being 
without  a solace  to  overcome  the  sting  of  death,  the  mourners 
are  the  more  ready  to  fill  their  minds  with  such  absorbing  sights 
and  sounds  as  will  expel  the  sad  remembrance  of  their  loss.  The 
reaction  comes  later,  but  the  Karen’s  habit  of  living  in  the  present 
has  enabled  him  to  reduce  that  to  a minimum. 

When  a person  dies,  the  relatives,  if  not  all  present,  are  im- 
mediately called  by  sounding  the  big  bronze  drum  or  “klo  a’  ko” 
(the  hot  drum  or  drum  of  discomfort).  The  pounding  of  this  drum 
communicates  to  everyone  within  hearing  the  news  that  a death  has 
taken  place,  just  as  the  tolling  of  a church  bell  in  the  early  days  of 
New  England  carried  the  tidings  of  death  to  the  villagers.  For  a 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


195 


short  time  the  relatives  indulge  in  weeping,  but  soon  begin  to  pre- 
pare the  corpse  for  burial  or  cremation. 

On  the  plains  the  body  is  bathed,  but  not  in  the  hills.  East  of 
Moulmein  on  the  Siamese  border  the  face  is  brushed  over  with  an 
infusion  of  acacia  pods  and  tumeric  for  the  purpose,  as  the  people 
assert,  of  washing  it  and  giving  the  soul  a good  start.  They  then 
repeat  the  following  words:  “You  have  gone  on  before.  We  have 
been  left  behind.  May  it  also  be  well  with  us.”  As  a receptable  for 
the  body  the  Bwe  and  some  of  the  other  hill-tribes  about  Toungoo 
used  to  hollow  out  a log  coffin,  as  do  the  Chinese.  But  by  far  the 
greater  number  of  the  Karen  wrap  the  body  in  a mat.  While  pre- 
paring this  mat  they  offer  a brief  prayer : 

“Let  the  shade  of  the  dead  depart. 

Let  the  corpse  of  death  and  hades  sleep  on  this  mat. 

Approach  not.  Come  not  near.” 

The  two  thumbs  and  the  two  great  toes  are  tied  together,  but  the 
string  with  which  they  are  bound  is  immediately  cut.  After  a 
blanket  has  been  spread  over  the  mat  the  body  is  placed  on  it  and 
wrapped  up  in  the  two  coverings,  which  are  bound  around  at  three 
places  with  red  and  white  rope.  These  bands  are  connected  by  an- 
other rope  running  lengthwise  of  the  body,  which  serves  as  the 
means,  of  lifting  and  carrying  the  corpse.  A bamboo  water-joint 
and  a betel-box  ^ are  placed  upon  the  body,  and  the  following  words 
are  spoken : “Chew  your  betel.  Smoke  your  cigar.  May  your  body 
eat,  and  may  your  ‘k’la’  eat  as  well.”  In  Shwegyin  those  in  attend- 
ance about  the  corpse  address  it,  saying:  “Do  not  take  the  path 
leading  into  the  forest.  Return  to  your  resting-place  and  your  pleas- 
ant home.”  Then  they  put  the  body  in  the  guest-room  and,  having 
cooked  rice  and  a duck  curry,  they  place  a portion  of  this  food  by 
it  and  say:  “If  your  spirit  and  your  ‘k’la’  have  not  departed,  may 
they  come  and  eat.”  Meantime,  the  beak,  wings,  and  legs  of  the 
duck  are  dried  a little  by  the  fire  and  laid  by  the  corpse,  the  fol- 
lowing words  expressing  their  purpose  in  so  doing : 

“Let  the  beak  become  a canoe  for  him. 

Let  the  wings  become  his  sail, 

And  the  legs,  his  paddles.” 

Placing  two  bits  of  liver  on  the  eyes  of  the  corpse,  they  utter  the 
wish:  “May  these  become  bright  eyes  for  you,  to  see  clearly  your 
way  as  you  go  back.” 


- For  an  account  of  betel  chewing-  see  pp.  72,  73. 


196 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Sgaw  Karen  Young  Women 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


197 


In  some  sections  of  the  country  the  village  elders  try  to  keep 
the  children  away  from  the  dead,  lest  their  “k’las”  should  be  in- 
duced to  follow  its  “k’la.”  In  order  to  divert  the  attention  of  the 
latter  from  prevailing  on  the  shade  of  some  living  person  to  follow 
it,  the  elders  pretend  to  pick  up  fruit  about  the  room  where  the 
body  is  lying  and  to  put  it  into  the  skirts  of  their  garments. 

In  the  Pegu  Hills  it  is  customary  to  prepare  a bier  for  the  body. 
This  is  a low  bamboo  frame  (“thi  hso  law”)  with  a bamboo  frame- 
work above,  over  which  a blanket  or  several  garments  are  spread 
to  form  a canopy  (“ta  t’  su”).  By  this  means  the  spirit  is  sup- 
posed to  be  assured  a cool  and  shady  journey  to  its  next  abode.  The 
body  is  usually  kept  only  from  one  to  three  days,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  bits  of  the  finger  and  toe-nails  are  pared  off  and  a lock 
of  the  hair  is  cut  to  be  placed  in  a tiny  mat  and  substituted  for  the 
corpse  during  the  remaining  days  of  the  funeral  rites,  and  the 
“mourners”  march  around  them  as  they  would  around  the  corpse 
itself. 

A ceremony,  called  “ta  le  me”  or  the  lighting  of  the  way,  takes 
place  in  the  evening.  The  Karen  people  seem  to  think  of  the  realm  of 
death  as  quite  the  reverse  of  this  world.  I have  sometimes  thought 
that  they  locate  it  beneath  the  earth,  but  am  not  sure  whether  they 
ascribe  a location  to  it  or  not.  Their  conception  of  the  conditions 
prevailing  in  the  other  sphere  as  opposed  to  those  existing  in  this 
one,  is  shown  by  the  following  observance:  Two  young  men  take 
their  places  on  opposite  sides  of  the  corpse,  one  holding  a candle 
between  his  first  and  second  fingers,  as  a cigar  is  held,  the  palm  of 
the  hand  being  downward.  He  passes  the  candle  to  his  fellow,  who 
passes  it  back,  the  recipient  taking  it  between  the  third  and  fourth 
digits.  The  candle  is  then  thrown  down  beneath  the  house, 
while  the  young  men  raise  their  hands  and  point  to  the  sky,  saying 
to  the  corpse : “The  roots  of  your  trees  are  there,”  and  then  to  the 
ground  with  the  words : “There  are  the  tops  of  your  trees.”  Point- 
ing in  the  direction  of  the  source  of  the  neighboring  stream,  they 
call  it  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  then  pointing  to  its  mouth,  they 
speak  of  it  as  the  source. 

After  this  the  company  file  around  the  body,  chanting  a “hta” 
(poem)  to  the  sun.  In  Siam  it  is  the  custom  to  march  around  to 
the  left,  making  the  circuit  three  times,  after  which  the  participants 
begin  to  recite  the  following  version  of  this  “hta,”  entitled  “The 
Face  of  the  Sun” : 


198 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


“The  sun  is  dark;  dark  is  the  sun. 

The  moon  is  dark;  dark  is  the  moon. 

The  face  of  the  sun  is  black.  We  point  to  the  plantain. 

The  tops  of  your  trees  are  the  roots. 

The  mouths  of  your  rivers  have  become  their  sources.” 

“The  face  of  the  sun  shines. 

The  sun  rises  and  reveals  himself. 

The  moon  ascends  and  displays  herself. 

They  sink  into  the  great  river, 

Setting  among  the  fragrant  flo^vers, 

Where  the  perfumes  are  most  satisfying.” 

No  regular  order  of  funeral  ceremonies  appears  to  be  ob- 
served throughout  the  Karen  country.  Not  only  do  different  tribes 
have  their  particular  customs,  but  also  various  groups  within  the 
same  tribe  differ  more  or  less  from  one  another.  This  wide  va- 
riety of  rites  renders  it  almost  impossible  to  ascertain  what  the 
original  customs  were.  On  the  plains,  where  the  Karen  have  come 
into  contact  with  the  Burmese,  the  old  customs  have  largely  disap- 
peared and  are  known  only  through  the  reports  of  old  men.  Even  in 
the  hill-country  some  of  the  ancient  customs  have  been  discontinued, 
so  that  one  rarely  sees  a funeral  nowadays  at  which  all  of  the  rites 
mentioned  in  this  chapter  are  observed.® 

Nevertheless,  it  seems  to  have  been  a universal  custom  for  the 
elders  to  take  a leading  part  in  the  ceremonies  by  chanting  a poem 
in  which  they  declare  that  the  spirit  of  the  deceased  has  left  this 
sphere  for  another  and  a better  life  in  the  spirit-world.  A poem 
of  this  import  is  still  recited  in  Siam  and  is  probably  not  widely 
different  from  that  which  was  familiar  to  the  various  tribes  in  the 
early  days.  It  runs  as  follows : 

“On  the  other  side  of  the  great  river  ‘ 

The  apes  call  loudly  to  each  other  and  cry. 

They  cry,  ’tis  said,  because  death  comes  so  readily: 

Men  vanish  like  water  rolling  from  the  caladium  leaf;' 

They  enter  life  suddenly  and  die  quickly. 

One  by  one  they  tread  in  the  steps  of  God’s  sons. 

They  return  whence  they  came  as  attendants  of  God; 

They  spread  his  mat  and  roll  his  cigars.” 

® At  a funeral  which  the  writer  attended  in  the  Pegu  Hills  in  1917  only  a few  of  the 
elders,  and  a young  man  who  had  come  from  Papun.  could  repeat  the  “htas”  which  were  used  in 
the  ceremonies.  The  young  folks  of  the  village  itself  could  only  be  persuaded  to  take  part  after 
much  talking,  and  then  they  appeared  to  be  ashamed  and  shy.  Only  one  night  did  they  attempt 
to  recite  the  poems,  and  the  next  morning  the  corpse  was  taken  out  through  the  side  of  the  house 
and  carried  to  the  burial  place  where,  they  told  me,  no  further  rites  were  observed. 

* This  fabulous  great  river  is  supposed  to  separate  this  world  from  the  next. 

^ A drop  of  water  rolls  from  the  axil  of  a caladium  leaf  like  a drop  of  mercury. 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


199 


“The  Lord  of  death,  does  his  work  swiftly. 

The  servants  of  Death  are  prompt  in  their  task. 

By  the  light  of  dawn  they  sharpen  their  spears. 

In  the  ev’ning  glow  they  whet  them  again. 

They  ponder  where  they  will  go  to  fight. 

They  choose  whom  they  will  overcome. 

They  steal  through  the  vales  and  over  the  hills. 

They  vanquish  the  sons  and  daughters  of  men. 

Into  the  huts  of  the  poor,  among  the  fowls. 

Into  the  great  houses  and  into  the  guest-rooms. 

Where  the  oblations  of  brass  and  silver  are  seen 
And  the  fowls  are  killed  and  offered,  they  come.” 

“Go,  kill  a black  chicken. 

Prepare  it  and  offer  it. 

Go  forth,  and  offer  it  on  the  main  road. 

At  the  intersection  of  the  main  roads. 

If  the  curious  person  should  eat  it, 

We  would  say  that  our  grief  has  gone  to  him; 

That  he  has  carried  it  a great  distance. 

Let  not  evil’s  combings  fall  on  us. 

Let  them  fall  ’midst  the  trees  of  the  woods 
Or  elsewhere:  the  country  is  spacious.” 

Other  verses  are  chanted,  among  them  the  following  taken 
from  what  is  known  as  a great  poem  (“hta  mo  pgha”) : 

“In  the  beginning  when  men  first  worked. 

They  toiled  as  their  discernment  led  them. 

From  the  beginning  they  worked  for  you; 

They  worked;  they  talked;  they  chanted.” 

A small  poem  (“hta  hpo”)  supplies  its  lessons  also: 

“No  more  will  you  wear  the  beads. 

But  be  draped  in  tendrils  of  the  banyan. 

Instead  of  the  jacket  and  loin-cloth 
You  will  wear  the  leaves  of  the  banyan. 

Go  hence,  eat  the  sour  fruit  of  hades 
And  honey  from  the  comb  of  the  bees.” 

“Go,  eat  the  salt  fruit  down  in  hades. 

Go  before  and  eat  of  the  honey. 

The  dead,  who  face  toward  the  ridge-pole, 

Leave  all  of  their  children  behind  them. 

They  die  and  must  look  up  the  ladder. 

But  leave  all  their  labor  behind  them. 

Their  death  makes  life  not  easy  for  us: 

They  send  us  on  many  an  errand; 

Our  feet  and  our  backs  become  weary.” 


200 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Many  are  the  poems  that  are  chanted  during  the  nights  of  the 
funeral-feasts.  The  Karen  divide  them  into  various  groups,  such 
as  the  great  poems  (“hta  do”),  which  are  their  nearest  approach 
to  our  classical  epics;  the  small  poems  (“hta  hpo”),  which  are 
less  dignified  than  the  former;  the  poems  of  hades  (“hta  plu”), 
in  which  the  words  and  sentiments  are  often  in  keeping  with  the 
character  of  the  deceased,  praising  the  respected  and  condemning 
the  dishonored ; poems  showing  Death  the  way*  back  to  his  abode 
(“hta  thwe  plu”) ; poems  for  the  king  of  hades,  in  which  his  name, 
“Hkii  Hte,”  is  mentioned  in  every  line,  while  in  one  (“hta  yeh 
law  plu”)  of  this  group  the  Karen  name  for  hades  is  as  often  re- 
peated; extempore  verses  (“hta  na  do”)  sung  in  rhyming  contests 
on  the  last  night  of  the  funeral-feasts  between  the  most  skillful 
improvisers  of  the  companies  from  the  different  villages  repre- 
sented, and,  finally,  the  love  poems,  in  which  the  story  of  the  ro- 
mance between  the  lover  and  the  maiden  is  chanted  by  the  leaders 
of  the  groups  of  the  young  people. 

The  funeral  observances  held  during  the  daytime  are  as  bois- 
terous as  those  held  at  night.  Several  of  the  former  consist  of 
jumping  the  pestles  (“ta  se  kle”).  The  pestles  are  the  stout  sticks 
with  which  the  hulls  are  pounded  from  the  rice  in  wooden  mortars, 
but  bamboos  are  frequently  substituted  for  these  in  the  jumping 
games  about  to  be  described.  Four  of  the  pestles  or  bamboos  are 
placed  on  the  ground  in  the  manner  indicated  by  the  accompanying 

illustration,  and  four  young  men  take 
their  stations  on  the  sides  of  the  fig- 
ure thus  formed,  grasping  the  ends 
of  the  sticks.  Three  times  in  succes- 
sion they  knock  the  pestles  on  the 
ground  and  the  fourth  time  they 
knock  them  together.  While  this  is 
going  on  a fifth  young  man  jumps  in 
between  the  projecting  ends  of  the 
parallel  sticks,  first  on  one  side,  then 
on  another,  and  the  fourth  time  into 
the  center  of  the  square  and  out 
again,  if  possible,  before  they  are 
clashed  together.  The  game  requires 
quickness  of  action  and  produces  great  merriment,  especially  when 
the  jumper’s  feet  are  caught.  Should  they  be  caught,  his  failure  to 


1 

D 

( 

y 

FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


201 


clear  the  sticks  is  regarded  as  a bad  omen,  showing  that  the  spirit 
of  the  dead  man  has  encountered  some  obstacle  on  its  journey  to 
its  next  abode.  It  is,  therefore,  incumbent  on  the  jumper  to  try 
the  center  leap  over  again  until  he  gets  through  safely.® 

The  next  game  in  order  is  that  of  “pounding  the  pestles”  (“ta 
to  kli”).  In  this  game  three  young  men,  each  provided  with  a 
pestle  or  bamboo  stick,  take  their  places  at  equal  intervals  about 
a central  spot  on  the  ground,  which  forms  the  target  at  which  they 
strike  in  turn.  A fourth  youth  must  jump  first  from  one  side  and 

then  another  to  the  center  and  out  again 
before  each  stroke  falls,  and  the  fourth 
time  also  when  the  wielders  of  the  sticks 
strike  together.  In  this  game  the  jumper 
runs  considerable  risk  of  getting  hit  on 
the  feet,  unless  he  is  very  spry  in  his 
movements. 

A third  game  with  the  pestles  is 
called  “stretching  the  neck”  (“ta  leh 
kah”).  The  four  pestles  required  in  this 
game  are  held  in  “criss-cross”  fashion  as 
in  the  first  jumping  game,  but  as  high  as 
one’s  shoulders.  A young  man  stands  beneath  them,  and  another 
stands  at  one  corner  waving  a naked  sword  above  them.  The  four 
holding  the  ends  of  the  pestles  strike  them  together  at  brief  in- 
tervals, while  the  youth  beneath  them  must  thrust  his  head  up  be- 
tween the  ends  of  the  sticks  and  withdraw  it  again  before  they 
close  about  his  neck,  or  the  swinging  sword  touches  him.  Having 
done  this  on  three  sides  in  succession,  the  fourth  time  he  must  at- 
tempt it  through  the  square  in  the  middle.  If  he  is  successful  in 
making  the  circuit  three  times  without  getting  “his  neck  stretched,” 
the  assembled  company  are  entitled  to  feel  satisfied  that  it  is  well 
with  the  soul  of  the  departed. 

“Climbing  the  fruit  tree”  (“htaw  the  tha”)  is  a very  different 
kind  of  game  from  those  described  above,  involving  no  physical 
risk  inasmuch  as  it  is  a performance  in  pretending.  A conven- 
tionalized picture  of  a tree  with  a knot  part-way  up  the  trunk,  two 

® Dr.  Nieuwenhuis  tells  of  a rice-pounder  dance  in  Borneo  performed  by  the  women,  who 
skip  into  the  center  and  out  again  between  the  simultaneous  strokes  of  the  rice  pestles.  This 
dance  is  not  unlike  the  funeral  game  described  above.  He  also  show's  a picture  of  wrestling  in 
Borneo,  a sport  evidently  conducted  like  wrestling  among  the  Karen.  See  plate  13,  p.  137  of 
Dr.  Nieuw^enhuis’s  Quer  durch  Borneo  (Leyden.  1907). 


202 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


pairs  of  side  branches  and  a central  branch,  each  terminating  in 
two  twigs  bearing  a fruit  and  leaves,  is  drawn  on  the  inside  of  a 
winnowing-tray.  (See  page  203.)  Betel-nuts  or  small  coins  are  laid 
on  the  sketch  to  represent  the  fruit.  The  man  designated  to  “climb 
the  tree”  must  receive  his  instructions  from  a woman  sitting  oppo- 
site. He  begins  by  asking  her:  “In  climbing  the  tree,  how  shall  I go 
up?”  To  which  she  replies:  “Go  up  to  the  big  knot.”  Question  and 
answer  follow  until  he  has  passed  his  hand  from  point  to  point 
to  the  tip  of  a twig,  secured  the  fruit  there,  and  brought  it  to  earth. 
This  is  repeated  over  and  over  again,  in  a way  that  would  prove 
insufferably  tedious  to  a Westerner,  until  the  last  fruit  has  been 
gathered.  The  assembled  Karens  seem  never  to  tire  of  this  game 
and  regard  it  as  a kind  of  offering  to  the  departed  friend. 

A ceremony  (“ta  w maw”)  participated  in  by  both  the  young 
men  and  maidens  is  that  of  blowing  bamboo  tubes,  rattling  bangles, 
and  parading  or  prancing,  rather  than  dancing,  around  the  corpse. 
In  Shwegyin  this  ceremony  is  performed  at  night.  In  other  places 
it  used  to  be  performed  in  the  daytime  at  the  place  of  burial,  but 
has  largely  disappeared  in  recent  times.  The  young  men  cut  for 
themselves  pieces  of  small  bamboo  with  the  joint  in  the  middle, 
leaving  the  ends  open,  and,  provided  with  these,  take  their  places 
around  the  corpse  alternating  with  the  maidens,  who  wear  bangles 
of  little  round  bells  or  rattling  seeds  on  their  wrists.  The  partic- 
ipants, now  facing  towards  the  body  and  now  away  from  it, 
parade  around  it,  keeping  step  to  the  mingled  but  pulsating  tones 
of  the  whistles  or  open  tubes  blown  by  the  men  and  the  rattle  of 
the  bangles  on  the  swinging  arms  of  the  girls.  At  the  end  of  this 
noisy  parade  the  men  tear  their  bamboos  open  with  their  teeth  and 
throw  them  down  with  a loud  shout,  in  which  the  girls  join  while 
shaking  their  arms  vigorously.  The  spirit  of  the  dead,  when  it 
hears  this  shout,  knows  that  its  welfare  has  not  been  forgotten  by 
the  friends  remaining  behind  and  believes  that  it  will  be  able  to 
avoid  all  demons  along  its  path.  The  friends  expect  this  ceremony 
to  speed  the  departed  on  his  journey. 

If  the  deceased  is  a very  old  person  who  has  left  all  of  his  chil- 
dren and  grandchildren  married  and  with  homes  of  their  own,  a 
special  observance  is  celebrated  in  his  behalf.  This  is  called  the 
“taw  kwe  tah”  or  the  “taw  klaw  taw.”  I am  not  able  to  interpret 
these  terms.  Nowadays  the  ceremony  is  very  rarely  observed,  and 
in  the  earlier  times  it  seems  to  have  been  observed  on  the  plains,  but 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


203 


not  at  all  in  the  Pegu  Yomas.  I have  been  told  that  on  one  occasion 
when  this  ceremony  was  to  be  performed  at  Letpadan,  those  con- 
cerned had  to  get  permission  from  the  township  officer  there  and 


A Sketch  of  a Tree  Used  in  the  Funeral  Games 


that  they  spoke  of  it  as  “collecting  taxes  for  the  soul.”  A company 
of  young  men  disguise  themselves,  several  of  them  in  women’s  cos- 
tumes and  carrying  fish-nets,  one  as  a blind  man,  and  another  as  a 
lame  one.  They  circulate  among  the  neighboring  villages  with  much 
shouting  and  laughter,  calling  on  the  inhabitants  to  contribute  sun- 


204 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


dry  supplies.  The  members  of  the  party  who  are  impersonating 
women,  go  under  the  houses  and  pretend  to  catch  fish  in  their  nets. 
By  such  methods  they  manage  to  gather  all  they  can  carry  of  fruit, 
vegetables,  and  other  kinds  of  food,  which  they  consume  on  their 
return  to  the  place  where  the  funeral  is  being  held.  This  ceremony 
is  performed  more  frequently  when  the  bones  of  the  deceased  are 
exhumed  than  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

After  the  ordinary  daylight  observances  and  the  chanting  of 
the  poems  in  the  evenings  have  been  completed,  the  body  is  re- 
moved through  an  opening  made  for  the  purpose  in  the  side  of  the 
house  and  is  carried  to  the  place  where  it  is  to  be  burned  or  buried. 
In  the  olden  days  it  was  usual  to  burn  the  body,  but  latterly  burial 
is  the  common  practice.  The  children  used  to  be  confined  or  tied 
up  at  home  during  the  removal  of  the  corpse.  This  was  to  prevent 
their  being  scared  by  the  gruesome  sight,  thus  causing  their  shades 
or  “k’las”  to  withdraw  from  their  bodies  and  make  them  sick,  or 
to  keep  their  “k’las”  fi’om  being  enticed  to  follow  that  of  the  dead 
person  with  the  same  result. 

In  Siam  three  beds  of  leaves  and  twigs  are  made  along  the 
path  to  the  place  of  burning,  the  bearers  stopping  at  these  piles  as 
though  to  put  down  their  burden  and  rest,  but  allowing  it  barely  to 
touch  the  bed  when  they  raise  it  again  and  go  on. 

In  those  cases  in  which  burning  is  resorted  to,  the  body  is 
placed  upon  a pile  of  fagots  three  or  four  feet  high  and  more  wood 
is  piled  on  top.  Dry  bamboo  torches  are  applied  at  two  or  more 
places  and,  after  the  fire  is  blazing,  the  body  is  pierced  with  long 
sharpened  bamboos  to  allow  the  juices  to  exude  and  so  hasten  the 
process  of  incineration.  Before  the  body  has  been  wholly  consumed, 
charred  pieces  of  the  bones  and  particularly  of  the  skull  are  raked 
out,  held  near  the  fire,  and  addressed  with  the  words:  “If  you  are 
hot,  sit  by  the  fire.”  After  this  water  is  poured  over  them  and  they 
are  told,  if  cold,  to  bathe  and  drink  water.  These  injunctions  to 
the  bones  again  illusti’ate  the  curious  conception  on  the  part  of  the 
Karen  that  the  conditions  prevailing  in  the  next  world  are  just  the 
reverse  of  those  existing  in  the  present  one. 

If  the  full  funeral  rites  have  been  performed,  the  bones  are 
ready  to  be  deposited  in  the  family  burial-ground.  If,  however,  the 
cremation  has  taken  place  before  the  performance  of  the  full  cere- 
monies, the  bones  are  usually  placed  in  a basket  or  wrapped  in  a 
cloth  and  taken  home  to  be  used  again  when  the  full  rites  are  cele- 
brated. This  carrying  home  of  the  relics  and  celebrating  a funeral 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


205 


later  is  called  “ta  hu  taw  pgha  a’  hki.”  It  is  done  both  on  the  plains 
and  in  the  hills.  If  the  person  dies  in  the  rainy  or  the  harvest  sea- 
son, the  practice  is  to  dispose  of  the  body  quickly  and  hold  the 
burial  rites,  namely,  the  games  and  recitation  of  the  poems  or 
“htas”  at  a more  convenient  time. 

On  their  way  back  from  the  burning-place  the  people  stop  at 
intervals,  look  back,  wave  their  hands,  and  call  out:  “Pru-r-r  k’la, 
come  back,  come  back.”  They  are  summoning  their  own  “k’las”  to 
keep  them  from  remaining  behind  with  that  of  the  dead  person.  In 
order  to  prevent  the  “k’la”  of  the  deceased  from  following  after 
them,  they  set  up  branches  of  trees  in  the  path,  which  is  their 
method  of  warning  friends  not  to  take  a certain  path.  In  Siam  the 
funeral  party  resort  to  the  additional  precaution  of  opening  the 
trunk  of  a big  rotten  tree  in  the  jungle  the  next  morning  and  sum- 
moning the  “k’la”  of  the  deceased  to  abide  in  that.  Having  pro- 
vided an  offering  of  rice  and  water  for  the  nourishment  of  the 
spirit  here,  they  address  the  tree  as  follows : 

“0  Rotten  Tree,  you  know  hades  and  the  land  of  the  dead. 

Be  kind  enough  to  show  the  deceased  the  way  thither.” 

But  few  localities  are  left  where  the  Karen  still  keep  up  their 
old  burial-places.  These  localities  are  in  the  hills  and  on  the  eastern 
border  of  Burma.  In  these  regions  an  elder  of  the  bereaved  family, 
who  is  familiar  with  the  burial-place,  takes  the  bones  and  valuables 
of  the  deceased,  such  as  beads,  ornaments,  etc.,  to  the  spot  and 
deposits  them  with  the  ashes  of  his  ancestors.  A man  in  the  employ 
of  a timber  contractor  told  me  of  a chance  visit  made  by  him  to 
one  of  these  sacred  burial-places.  With  a Karen  driver  he  was  in 
search  of  a working  elephant  that  had  strayed  away.  After  cross- 
ing two  or  three  mountain  ridges  and  the  intervening  valleys,  the 
Karen  remarked  that  they  were  approaching  his  ancestral  burial- 
spot  and  consented  to  lead  his  companion  to  it.  They  climbed  to  the 
top  of  the  next  ridge,  where  the  ground  was  covered  with  huge 
boulders.  Threading  their  way  among  these,  they  emerged  into  a 
grassy  plot  in  the  midst  of  which  lay  a boulder  larger  than  the 
others,  and,  after  clambering  to  the  top  of  this  rock,  they  found 
therein  a deep  hole  in  which  the  family  relics  of  the  elephant  driver 
were  deposited.  His  companion  thrust  the  shaft  of  his  spear  near- 
ly its  whole  length  into  the  hole,  the  mouth  of  which  was  not  more 
than  four  of  five  inches  in  diameter,  and,  poking  about,  could  hear 


206 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  jingling  of  silver,  probably  bracelets,  beads,  rings,  and  other 
jewelry.  It  is  said  that  hollow  trees  and  the  limestone  caves  that 
are  so  common  in  the  hills  of  Burma  and  Siam,  contain  many  such 
hidden  treasures.  In  the  Pegu  Hills  the  people  appear  to  bury 
the  relics  of  their  dead  wherever  fancy  dictates  and  to  pay  no 
further  attention  to  the  spot.  Indeed,  as  a whole  the  Karen  raise 
no  monuments  over  their  dead.  When  the  remains  of  a woman  are 
buried,  not  only  her  trinkets  and  ornaments  are  buried  with  her, 
but  also  her  pigs  and  fowls  which,  as  her  peculiar  property,  are 
killed  and  deposited  with  her  relics. 

Both  in  the  hills  and  on  the  plains  it  is  the  custom  to  dig  up 
the  bones  of  the  dead  who  have  been  carried  off  by  epidemics,  as  well 
as  of  those  who  have  died  at  inconvenient  times,  and  hold  cere- 
monies over  them.  It  is  said  that  in  Shwegyin  December 
(“La  plii”),  which  is  the  month  of  eclipses  and  of  the  dead,  is  the 
time  w'hen  these  ceremonies  are  usually  performed.  On  the  plains 
the  months  of  the  hot  season  are  those  chosen  for  these  rites. 

When  the  bones  are  brought  back  to  serve  as  the  center  of  the 
burial  ceremonies,  they  are  placed  in  a little  basket  and  set  within 
a small  enclosure.  In  the  Pegu  Hills  they  are  put  under  a small 
canopy,  but  on  the  plains  the  receptacle  for  them  is  made  in  the 
form  of  a miniature  pagoda  (“hko  so  law”)  or  a little  hut  (“hko 
saw”).  The  hut  is  a model  of  a house  with  its  ladder,  water  pots, 
etc.  The  basket  containing  the  bones  is  put  into  the  hut,  and  one 
end  of  a string  is  tied  to  the  basket  and  the  other  let  down  into  a 
water  jar  under  the  miniature  house.  This  arrangement  makes  it 
possible  for  the  “k’la”  of  the  deceased  to  go  down  for  a drink  when- 
ever it  is  thirsty.  Early  in  the  morning  one  of  the  elders  carries  a 
firebrand  out  to  the  hut,  which  is  usually  situated  outside  of  the 
village.  There  he  lifts  out  a piece  of  the  bone  and  heats  it  with  the 
glowing  brand,  saying:  “If  you  are  hot,  sit  by  the  fire.”  Then  he 
pours  water  over  it  and  tells  it  to  drink  and  bathe,  if  it  is  cold.  This 
he  does  in  turn  with  each  fragment  of  the  bone.  Finally,  he  puts 
the  firebrand  under  the  hut,  calls  back  his  own  “k’la,”  and  returns 
home.  On  top  of  the  hut  an  image  of  a parrot  is  left,  in  case  the 
deceased  is  an  unmarried  person ; but  for  married  persons  two  such 
images  are  set  up.  These  birds  are  supposed  to  help  carry  the  spirit 
of  the  deceaseed  to  its  next  abiding-place.  As  long  as  the  bones  are 
in  the  hut  the  friends  take  food  to  the  “k’la”  every  day. 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


207 


If  the  deceased  is  unmarried,  the  friends  sometimes  chant 
poems  deriding  him  for  dying  before  he  has  left  any  offspring 
to  perpetuate  his  stock  on  earth.  When  they  are  ready  to  carry  the 
hut  to  the  grave,  they  remove  the  image  of  the  parrot  (“t’le”)  and 
bury  it  at  the  fork  of  the  roads  with  its  head  towards  the  jungle, 
probably  so  that  it  will  fly  in  that  direction  and  carry  the  “k’la”  of 
the  deceased  into  the  woods.  On  their  return  the  love  poems  (“na 
do”)  are  chanted  by  the  young  men  and  maidens,  and  early  next 
morning  the  hut  with  the  little  basket  of  bones  inside  is  taken  to 
the  back  of  the  usual  burying-place  and  left  there.  The  funeral 
party  stops  long  enough  to  say:  “We  have  brought  you  here  with 
all  your  belongings.  Remain  here.”  On  their  way  home  they  do 
not  forget  to  call  their  “k’las”  frequently,  lest  these  should  be 
tempted  to  stay  behind.  In  the  case  of  the  burial  of  married  per- 
sons the  mourners  cook  eggs,  rice,  and  curry  and  spread  a feast 
near  the  hut.  They  request  the  spirit  of  the  dead  to  come  and  eat 
and  then  to  depart  to  the  king  of  spirits,  “Mii  Hka,”  and  not  to  re- 
turn. The  hut  and  its  contents  are  then  removed  to  the  burial-place 
and  left  there.  The  closing  ceremony  is  one  performed  over  the 
bones  at  noon  of  the  last  day  of  the  rites,  its  object  being  to  dis- 
cover whether  the  “k’la”  of  the  departed  has  yet  reached  the  land 
of  delight  whence  it  will  not  return,  or  whether  it  is  still  wander- 
ing around  and,  therefore,  liable  to  entice  away  the  “k’las”  of  its 
relatives  and  friends.  This  final  ceremony  is  called  “t’yaw  lo  ke 
a’  k’la.”  A slender  bamboo  or  stock  of  elephant  grass  is  stuck  in  the 
ground  obliquely  near  the  foot  of  the  hut,  and  from  its  top  is  sus- 
pended a newly  spun  cotton  string  on  which  is  tied  a piece  of  the 
charred  bone  of  the  dead  person  and  below  it  a bit  of  cotton  wool. 
Four  or  five  more  pieces  of  bone  separated  by  bits  of  the  wool  are 
strung  on  the  cord,  the  end  of  which  is  attached  to  a gold  or  yellow 
bracelet.  Directly  under  the  bracelet  a cup  containing  a boiled  duck 
egg  and  a lump  of  cooked  rice  is  set.  The  relatives  now  sit  down 
and  chant  a poem  or  “hta,”  in  which  their  love  for  the  deceased  is 
expressed.  Then  each  member  of  the  family  strikes  the  cup  and 
bracelet  a gentle  blow  and,  calling  the  dead  by  name,  asks  his  spirit 
to  return.  If  nothing  unusual  happens,  they  know  that  it  has  ar- 
rived at  its  destination  and  will  never  come  back  again.  If,  how- 
ever, the  string  vibrates  considerably  or  breaks,  as  may  happen, 
when  somebody  taps  the  bracelet  there  is  great  lamentation  for 
they  are  then  convinced  that  the  “k’la”  is  present  and  has  descended 


208 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  string.  Hence,  offerings  of  food  must  be  continued  to  prevent 
the  “k’la”  from  exercising  its  enticing  power  on  that  of  some  living 
relative. 

The  “k’las”  of  the  children  are  thought  to  be  especially  suscep- 
tible to  such  influence,  and  among  the  Bwes  extraordinary  precau- 
tions are  taken  to  protect  the  children.  The  Bwe  grandmother,  who 
is  head  of  the  “Bgha”  feast,  wraps  a pair  of  fowds  in  a number  of 
garments,  each  of  her  grandchildren  supplying  one.  She  then 
calls  back  the  spirits  of  the  children  to  prevent  them  from  be- 
ing attracted  by  the  “Mii  xa.”  After  the  necks  of  the  fowls  have 
been  wrung  their  flesh  is  eaten  by  the  family,  while  the  “Mii  xa” 
are  supposed  to  feed  upon  the  essence  of  the  chickens. 

The  Karen  bury  their  children  soon  after  death,  and  seem  to 
take  no  further  notice  of  their  passing.  When  parents  have  had 
the  misfortune  to  lose  several  of  their  offspring  shortly  after 
birth,  they  believe  that  the  spirits  from  some  vague  region  have 
sought  mortal  birth  through  their  instrumentality,  simply  to  gain 
the  ornaments  and  trinkets  that  Karen  are  in  the  habit  of  giving 
to  their  children.  Having  secured  these  coveted  possessions,  the 
spirits  return  to  their  former  abode  with  their  undeserved  rewards. 
The  Karen  call  this  fleeting  existence  “ta  plu  aw  ka,”  which  means 
“gaining  something  by  entering  life.”  Parents  thus  taken  advan- 
tage of,  as  they  feel,  have  recourse  to  a revolting  method  of  terri- 
fying a spirit  of  this  greedy  type.  After  a child  has  died  and  been 
carried  to  the  burial-place,  the  indignant  father  thrusts  a spear 
or  sword  through  and  through  the  little  body  or  slashes  it  with  a 
“dah,”  that  is,  a long  knife,  in  the  hope  that  the  spirit,  seeing  how 
badly  its  temporary  mortal  tenement  is  being  treated,  may  fear  to 
come  back  again. 

Our  study  of  funeral  customs  among  the  Karen  shows  that,  in 
the  case  of  adults  at  least,  funerals  are  festal  and  feasting  occa- 
sions. Much  rice  and  pork  curry  are  consumed  and,  in  the  olden 
time,  liquor  flowed  freely.  In  earlier  times  when  people  of  different 
villages  met  at  a funeral,  a spirit  of  rivalry  was  shown  in  the 
improvising  and  chanting  of  the  poems  and  sometimes  in  other 
ways.  I have  in  my  possession  an  old  bronze  funeral  drum,  which 
was  reputed  to  be  the  sweetest  sounding  drum  in  the  hills  at  the 
head  of  Thonze  Creek.®  On  its  rim  “dah”  cuts  appear  which  are  the 
lasting  marks  of  a fight  in  which  rival  groups  of  villagers  engaged 


See  Chapter  XIII  on  Bronze  Dnims,  pp.  121-123. 


FUNERAL  CUSTOMS 


209 


long  ago,  because  some  of  those  present  expressed  a decided  pref- 
erence for  the  musical  tones  of  this  drum  over  those  of  other  drums 
belonging  to  members  of  neighboring  villages. 

Although  many  who  took  part  in  some  of  the  old  funeral  cele- 
brations were  undoubtedly  under  the  influence  of  liquor  and  in  a 
corresponding  state  of  hilarity,  funerals  do  not  seem  to  have 
become  the  occasion  of  feuds  or  even  of  drunken  brawls. 
Young  people  came  together  on  more  intimate  terms  at  funerals 
than  was  permitted  at  other  times,  and  some  of  their  poems  would 
not  bear  reproduction  in  print.  Probably  at  times  their  conduct 
also  went  beyond  the  bounds  of  propriety,  but  such  lapses  seem  to 
have  been  rare  and  bitterly  regretted.  However,  it  is  clear  that 
Karen  mourners  succeeded  in  drowning  their  sorrow  and  believed 
that  by  means  of  their  festivities  they  had  sent  the  spirit  of  their 
dead  rejoicing  on  its  way  to  its  future  abode. 


CHAPTER  XXI 
RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 
The  Three  Conceptions 

Among  the  Karen  we  find  traces  of  three  distinct  religious  con- 
ceptions, which  have  left  their  impress  upon  the  people.  The  prin- 
ciple underlying  the  most  primitive  religious  ideas  is  that  of  an 
impersonal  power  or  force  residing  both  in  men  and  things,  but 
which  is  all-pervasive,  invisible  except  as  it  betrays  itself  by  its 
effect  on  certain  things,  and  invincible  in  that  it  can  only  be  over- 
come in  a particular  person  or  thing  by  a more  powerful  manifesta- 
tion of  itself  in  some  other  object.^  The  Karen  designate  this  force 
“pgho.”  It  is  the  equivalent  of  what  the  Melanesians  know  as 
“mana”  and  is  defined  in  the  Karen  Thesaurus  as  a certain  more  or 
less  unknown  force  believed  to  be  all  about  and  which  can  not  be 
overcome.-  It  may  reside  in  certain  individuals  who,  by  its  aid,  are 
enabled  to  accomplish  unusual  tasks.  It  can  be  imparted  to  objects 
which,  by  its  power,  become  charms  potent  for  good  or  ill.  The 
deities  are  said  to  possess  “pgho”  and  on  that  account  to  be  able  to 
do  wonderful  things.  It  is  also  spoken  of  by  the  people  as  revealing 
itself  in  the  infinite  attributes  of  “Y’wa,”  the  eternal  God,  but  this 
is,  of  course,  an  adaptation  to  Christian  teachings.  However,  it  is 
in  the  realm  of  the  magic,  rather  than  in  that  of  religion,  that  this 
power  is  particularly  exploited.  Those  who  are  able  to  perform 
magical  deeds  are  called  “pgha  a pgho,”  that  is,  persons  of  “pgho.”  ® 

The  second  religious  conception  attained  by  the  Karen  was  the 
animistic.  They  entered  upon  this  stage  of  religious  belief  when 
they  began  to  assign  personal  attributes  to  the  various  powers 
about  them,  conceiving  of  every  unknown  force  as  a more  or  less 
distinct  personality.  Thus,  they  personified  the  vegetative  force  in 
the  crops  as  the  goddess  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw ;”  they  conceived  of  the  agency 
thrt  brought  the  dry  and  rainy  seasons  (the  monsoon  in  reality,  of 
course,)  as  two  different  demons,  each  ruling  in  the  upper  air  dur- 

1 This  view  was  first  brought  to  the  attention  of  scholars  by  Bishop  R,  H.  Codrington 
in  his  work.  The  Melanesians,  pp.  227  ff.  Compare  also  J.  E.  Carpenter,  Comparative  Religion, 
pp.  80,  ff.  for  a brief  but  full  discussion  of  the  subject. 

- The  Karen  Thesaurus,  old  ed.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  489. 

^ In  speaking  of  the  attributes  of  “Y’wa"  the  people  say:  “Y'wa  a pgho  a pkhaw.”  The 
use  of  the  couplet  gives  a more  finished  form  of  speech. 


210 


RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


211 


ing  a period  of  six  months  to  the  exclusion  of  the  other;  they  as- 
signed a lord  (“k’  sa”)  to  every  mountain  and  river,  and  they  in- 
vested every  utensil  and  object  about  the  house  and  the  animals  out- 
of-doors  with  separate  ghosts  (“k’las”).  Some  of  these  imaginary 
beings  are  beneficent,  such  as  the  “Mli  xa”  or  celestial  spirits  that 
preside  over  births ; but  most  of  them  are  malevolent  and  have 
to  be  appeased  by  continual  offerings,  sacrifices,  and  tabus.  To  keep 
on  good  terms  with  these  innumerable  spirits  consumes  a large 
part  of  the  time  and  thought  of  the  Karen.* 

The  third  conception  in  the  religious  traditions  of  the  people 
is  embodied  in  the  “Y’wa”  legend,  which  tells  of  the  placing  of  the 
first  parents  in  the  garden  by  “Y’wa,”  the  Creator;  their  temptation 
to  eat  of  the  forbidden  fruit  by  a serpent  or  dragon,  etc.  This  stoi'y 
so  closely  resembles  that  of  the  ancient  Hebrews,  as  also  certain 
western  Asiatic  traditions,  that  one  finds  it  difficult  not  to  believe 
that  all  these  traditions  somehow  had  a common  origin.  Were 
the  “Y’wa”  legend  marked  by  distinctive  features,  we  might 
regard  it  as  one  exhibiting  only  a general  resemblance  to  other 
traditions  extant  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  but  its  parallelism  with 
the  account  in  Genesis  precludes  this  view  of  the  case.® 

At  any  rate,  the  “Y’wa”  legend  has  exercised  a strong  influ- 
ence upon  the  Karen  people.  To  be  sure,  it  did  not  supplant  the 
ancient  animism  of  the  tribes  any  more  than  Buddhism  has  dis- 
placed spirit  worship  among  the  Burmese.  Nevertheless,  it  was 
accompanied  by  the  prophesy  of  the  return  of  the  white  brother 
with  the  Lost  Book,  which  inspired  the  Karen  with  the  hope  of  a 
better  future  and  furnished  an  admirable  foundation  on  which 
Christian  teachers  could  build  in  promoting  the  development  of 
the  Karen  nation  which,  during  the  last  hundred  years — the  period 
not  only  of  Christian  missions  but  also  of  the  British  conquest  and 
administration  of  Burma — has  been  truly  remarkable. 

The  “Y’wa”  Tradition 

The  contrast  between  the  animistic  and  the  “Y’wa”  conception 
of  the  creation  of  the  world  is  illustrated  in  the  lines  of  the  follow- 
ing “hta”  or  poem : 

“When  first  the  earth  was  made. 

Who  worked  and  built  it? 

When  it  was  first  formed, 

Who  was  the  creator?” 


^ See  Chapter  XXII  on  Supernatural  and  Mythical  Beings,  p.  223. 
^ See  pp.  10-12. 


212 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


“When  first  the  world  was  created, 

The  edolius  and  the  termite  toiled  together." 

When  the  earth  was  first  formed, 

These  two  helped  each  other  and  made  it.” 

The  “Y’wa”  conception  appears  in  the  last  stanza,  given  below : 

“When  first  the  earth  was  formed, 

It  was  God  (‘Y’wa’)  who  formed  it. 

When  first  the  world  was  fashioned, 

It  was  God  who  fashioned  it.” 

In  some  of  the  omitted  parts  of  the  poem  we  find  the  thought 
expressed  that  the  edolius  and  the  teraiite  were  co-workers  with 
God  in  creating  the  world.  It  should,  perhaps,  be  explained  that 
the  termite  is  the  white  ant,  which  builds  high  mounds  all  over  the 
country;  while  the  edolius  paradiscus  is  a black  bird,  a little  smaller 
than  a crow,  with  two  long  tail  quills  having  tufts  of  feathers  at  the 
ends.  Why  this  bird  should  have  been  given  a part  in  the  work  of 
creation  does  not  appear. 

Characterization  of  “Y’wa”  as  the  Eternal  One  is  herewith  given 
in  two  translations  from  an  ancient  poem,  the  first  of  these  being 
by  an  unknown  person  of  an  earlier  time  and  the  other  by  Dr. 
Francis  Mason. 

“God  is  eternal.  He  alone  [existed] 

Before  the  world  was  made;  His  throne 
Interminable  ages  stood, 

And  He,  the  everlasting  God. 

Two  worlds  may  pass,  and  yet  He  lives. 

Perfect  in  attributes  divine. 

Age  after  age  His  glories  shine.”  ' 

The  rendering  by  Dr.  Mason  is  as  follows : 

“God  is  unchangeable,  external; 

He  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  world. 

God  is  endless  and  eternal; 

He  existed  in  the  beginning  of  the  world. 

God  is  truly  unchangeable  and  eternal; 

He  existed  in  ancient  time,  at  the  beginning  of  the  world. 

The  life  of  God  is  endless; 

A succession  of  worlds  does  not  measure  his  existence. 

God  is  perfect  in  every  meritorious  attribute, 

And  dies  not  in  succession  on  succession  of  worlds.”  * 

® Rev.  T.  Than  Bya,  D.D.,  Karen  CiistomSy  CeremonieSy  and  Poetry,  p.  51.  The  Karen 
name  for  the  edolius  is  “hto  hklu.’*  Dr.  Mason  speaks  of  it  as  the  Moulmein  nightingale: 
Burma,  p.  219. 

" This  version  is  printed  in  D.  M.  Smeaton’s  The  Loyal  Karens  of  Burma. 

® Mason,  The  Karen  Apostle,  ap.,  p.  97. 


RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


213 


Besides  being  called  eternal,  God  is  described  as  “all  powerful” 
and  as  “having  the  knowledge  of  all  things.”  He  created  man  and 
“woman  from  a rib  of  man,”  and  he  made  the  animals  and  placed 
them  on  the  earth. 

The  power  mentioned  in  the  old  poems  as  opposed  to  “Y’wa” 
and  as  having  brought  evil  into  the  world  is  “Naw  k’  plaw.”  In 
later  poems  the  name  given  to  him  is  “Mii  kaw  li,”  which  is  a term 
of  reproach  used  on  account  of  his  often  being  supposed  to  assume 
the  female  form,  in  order  to  accomplish  his  deceptions  on  the  human 
race.® 

He  is  said  to  have  been  a servant  of  “Y’wa”  at  first,  but  to  have 
been  cast  out  of  his  lord’s  presence  for  offering  him  a gross  insult. 
The  other  servants  of  “Y’wa”  have  ever  since  cherished  the  desire 
to  destroy  “Mii  kaw  li,”  but  have  never  accomplished  their  purpose. 
Hence,  he  continues  to  roam  about,  deceiving  mankind  and  spread- 
ing death  among  them,  until  he  shall  finally  be  put  out  of  the  way 
by  “Y’wa”  himself.  He  is  the  direct  author  of  evil  and  of  the  curse 
that  has  fallen  upon  the  earth  which,  before  his  contemptible  con- 
duct, had  produced  rice  with  kernels  as  large  as  pumpkins.  It  was 
through  his  malicious  instructions  that  the  people  learned  to  make 
sacrifices  to  the  “Bgha”  and  other  demons. 

The  Karen  legends  and  poems  give  the  story  of  the  fall  of  man 
in  their  own  picturesque  language,  which  has  been  translated  into 
English  by  Dr.  D.  C.  Gilmore,  who  has  brought  together  the  sev- 
eral versions  extant  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  For  the  most 
part  I shall  paraphrase  and  condense  Dr.  Gilmore’s  translation ; for 
the  original  narratives,  whether  in  prose  or  verse,  are  full  of  repe- 
titions, variations  in  insignificant  details,  and  other  peculiarities 
incident  to  tales  that  have  been  handed  down  by  word  of  mouth. 

The  Lord  “Y’wa,”  father  of  the  human  race,  spoke  to  the  first 
pair  he  had  created : “My  son  and  daughter  both,  your  father  will 
make  an  orchard  for  you,  and  in  that  orchard  there  will  be  seven 
kinds  of  trees  bearing  seven  kinds  of  fruit.  Of  the  seven  kinds  there 

® The  derivation  of  the  names  of  this  being  are  interesting.  “Naw’*  is  the  usual  feminine 
prefix  of  the  names  of  all  females,  and  “k’  plaw”  signifies  quickly,  in  reference  to  the  sudden- 
ness with  which  his  power  to  tempt  one  was  exercised.  The  later  name,  which  has  now  come 
into  universal  use  both  among  non-Christian  and  Christian  Karens  as  the  designation  of  the 
Devil,  is  composed  of  “mu,”  meaning  woman  ; “kaw,”  signifying  the  state  of  or  pertaining  to, 
and  “li,”  denoting  the  female  locus  impudicus.  This  combination  constitutes  a term  of  the  ut- 
most contempt  and  refers  to  the  insult  which  Satan  visited  upon  “Y’wa”  when  offerings  were 
being  brought  to  him.  The  Devil’s  offering  was  a flower  on  which  he  had  micturated.  His 
act  was  discovered  and  aroused  the  anger  of  the  entire  celestial  company. 


214 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Climbing  the  Cocoanut-palm 
Often  they  climb  the  palm  without  any  aid  whatever.  But 
in  this  case  the  boy  has  bound  his  feet  together  loosely 
with  a Burmese  loin-cloth  (“longyi’*)  to  enable  him  to 
grip  the  trunk  more  easily. 


RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


215 


is  one  that  is  not  good  to  eat.  Do  not  partake  of  it.  If  you  eat  of 
it,  you  will  fall  ill ; you  will  grow  old ; you  will  die.  Do  not  eat  it. 
Now,  whatever  else  I have  made,  I will  give  it  all  to  you.  Behold  it 
and  eat  it.  Once  in  seven  days  I will  come  and  see  you.  Obey  me 
in  whatever  I have  commanded  you.  Keep  my  words.  Do  not  for- 
get me.  Worship  me  every  morning  and  evening.” 

By-and-by  the  Devil,  in  the  form  of  a great  serpent,  came  and 
engaged  them  in  conversation,  asking  them  what  they  were  doing 
and  what  they  had  to  eat.  They  replied  that  their  father  had  pro- 
vided them  with  more  than  sufficient  food  and  escorted  him  to  the 
orchard,  where  they  pointed  out  the  several  varieties  of  the  trees 
and  told  him  the  flavor  of  the  fruit  of  six  of  the  varieties.  Con- 
cerning the  taste  of  the  seventh,  they  admitted  their  ignorance, 
inasmuch  as  they  had  been  warned  by  their  father  not  to  eat 
of  it.  Thereupon,  the  Devil  informed  the  pair  that  their  father 
did  not  wish  them  well,  that  the  fruit  of  the  forbidden  tree  was  the 
sweetest  and  richest  of  all  and,  moreover,  would  transform  them 
into  gods,  enabling  them  to  ascend  to  heaven,  to  fly,  and  to  burrow 
under  the  ground  at  will.  He  declared  that  the  Lord  God  was  envi- 
ous of  them,  while  he,  the  Devil,  loved  them  and  was  telling  them 
the  whole  truth  as  they  might  easily  prove  by  partaking  of  the 
forbidden  fruit. 

The  man  was  not  persuaded  by  the  plausible  words  of  Satan, 
maintained  that  they  would  comply  with  the  orders  of  their  father, 
and  left  the  intruder.  But  his  wife,  “Naw  I-u,”  listened  to  the 
Devil’s  seductive  voice,  was  half-persuaded  and  sought  assurance 
by  inquiring  whether  she  and  her  husband  would  really  fly  if  they 
ate  of  this  wonderful  fruit.  The  Devil  again  insisted  that  he  loved 
them  dearly,  and  that  he  was  trying  to  convince  her  of  the  truth. 
When  she  ate  the  fruit,  the  Devil  laughed  and  told  her  to  give 
some  of  it  to  her  husband ; otherwise,  if  she  should  die,  she 
alone  would  perish,  or  if  she  should  become  like  a goddess,  she  would 
be  left  without  a companion.  She  did  as  directed  and,  after  consid- 
erable persuasion,  her  husband  also  partook  of  the  fruit,  to  the 
delight  of  Satan. 

On  the  day  following  the  eating  of  the  forbidden  fruit  the 
Lord  “Y’wa”  came  to  see  the  disobedient  pair  and  laid  his  curse 
upon  them,  declaring  that  they  would  grow  old,  sicken,  and  die ; 
that  their  offspring  would  pass  away  at  all  ages,  and  that  some  of 
their  descendants  would  have  no  more  than  half  a family,  that  is. 


216 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


six  children.  Not  only  was  the  curse  of  “Y’wa”  visited  upon  them, 
but  also  upon  their  first  child,  as  was  manifest  by  its  falling  sick. 
As  “Y’wa”  had  forsaken  them  they  appealed  to  the  Devil,  who  re- 
plied that  they  must  obey  him  to  the  end  and  promised  to  instruct 
them  in  the  customs  of  his  father  and  mother.  Accordingly,  he 
caught  and  killed  a pig  and  examined  its  gall-bladder,  explaining 
that  if  this  organ  were  well  rounded,  the  omen  would  be  favorable ; 
but  if  thin  and  flabby,  there  would  be  little  hope  for  the  recovery 
of  the  child.  In  case  the  child  regained  his  health,  they  were 
to  make  a demon  feast.  Inasmuch  as  the  little  one  did  get  well,  they 
celebrated  the  feast  according  to  instructions.  Not  long  after  an- 
other child  was  taken  sick  and,  although  they  consulted  the  pre- 
scribed omen,  there  was  no  improvement  in  its  condition.  They, 
therefore,  appealed  again  to  the  serpent,  who  told  the  father  to 
catch  a fowl  which  was  to  be  used  in  calling  back  the  spirit  of  the 
sick  one.  “Mii  kaw  li”  placed  the  fowl,  together  with  a bundle  of 
chaff,  a bundle  of  rice,  and  a bundle  of  potsherds,  in  a net,  which  he 
carried  into  the  jungle,  followed  by  the  parents.  There  he  plucked 
the  feathers  from  the  fowl  and  laid  them,  together  with  the  three 
bundles,  in  the  middle  of  the  path.  He  then  prayed;  “Spirit, 
Spirit.  The  spirit  has  gone  to  hades.  The  spirit  has  gone  to  hell. 
Release  the  spirit.”  Next  he  cooked  the  fowl  and  tried  its  bones,  to 
see  whether  they  were  soft  or  not.  But  he  would  not  commit  him- 
self as  to  the  favorableness  or  unfavorableness  of  the  omen,  telling 
the  parents  that  they  must  watch  and  wait,  and  that  meantime  he 
would  treat  the  case  in  every  possible  way.  Nevertheless,  the  child 
died,  and  the  Devil  could  give  the  bereaved  ones  no  other  consola- 
tion than  that  when  the  chicken  bones  were  found  in  the  future  to 
be  like  those  he  had  tested,  they  would  know  the  omen  to  be  un- 
favorable. He  also  taught  them  a charm  to  be  used  when  there  was 
sickness  in  the  family,  and,  in  connection  with  the  charm,  they  were 
to  wind  seven  threads. Having  wrought  all  this  mischief  and 
failed  to  furnish  any  certain  relief  from  it,  the  Devil  departed; 
while  the  man  and  his  wife  took  up  the  task  of  teaching  their  off- 
spring the  ceremonies  and  charms  in  which  he  had  instructed 
them.^^ 

See  p.  221. 

The  form  of  the  tradition  which  is  found  among  the  Gaihko  tribe  is  more  explicit  than 
the  versions  found  elsewhere.  The  original  ancestors  of  the  human  race  are  by  them  called 
“Ai-ra-bai”  or  “E  ra  bai,”  and  ‘‘Mo  ra  mu”  or  ‘‘Moren  meu”.  (Among  the  Sgaws  they  are 
called,  respectively,  "Saw  Tha  nai”  and  “Naw  E u”).  From  the  first  pair  they  count  by  name 
thirty  generations  to  the  time  of  “Pan  dan  man,”  when  the  people  attempted  to  build  a 


RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


217 


There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  above  legend  of  the  fall  of 
man  has  been  largely  responsible  for  the  readiness  with  which  the 
Karen  people  have  accepted  Christianity.  It  led  them  to  believe 
that  they  began  their  existence  as  a race  under  the  care  and  protec- 
tion of  “Y’wa,”  which  their  ancestors  soon  forfeited  by  their  dis- 
obedience in  following  the  deceptive  advice  of  “Mii  kaw^  li.”  They 
believe  that  their  present  practices  originated  from  an  evil  source 
and  should  be  abandoned ; but  their  veneration  for  their  ancestors 
and  the  customs  established  by  them,  in  addition  to  their  fear  of 
worse  consequences  should  they  depart  from  time-honored  usage, 
makes  it  exceedingly  difficult  for  them  to  give  up  the  old  ways.  They 
acknowledge  the  goodness  of  “Y’wa”  and  their  obligation  to  wor- 
ship him ; but  they  feel  so  hedged  about  by  a multitude  of  demons 
who  will  bring  calamities  upon  them  and  devour  their  souls  that 
they  placate  these,  while  believing  that  “Y’wa”  will  not  harm  them 
even  though  they  should  not  render  homage  unto  him. 

They  illustrate  their  predicament  by  the  story  of  a family  oc- 
cupying a hut  near  a field  during  the  cultivating  season.  While  the 
father  and  mother  were  absent  at  work,  the  children  were  terrified 
at  home  by  a tiger  that  sprang  from  the  bushes  and  made  off  with 
the  sow.  At  nightfall  the  children  told  their  parents  what  had  hap- 
pened. Before  going  into  the  field  next  morning,  the  father  built  a 
high  platform  of  bamboos  on  which  he  placed  the  children  and  the 
motherless  pigs,  telling  the  children  not  to  climb  down  during  the 
day  lest  the  tiger  should  again  appear.  The  beast  returned  as  ex- 
pected and  filled  the  air  with  its  angry  roaring,  until  the  children 
threw  down  one  of  the  pigs  in  the  hope  of  quieting  it.  From  time 
to  time  during  the  day  its  roaring  was  recompensed  in  the  same 
manner,  the  children,  meantime,  watching  the  path  with  straining 
eyes  for  the  return  of  their  father  and  mother  and  listening  in- 
tently for  the  sound  of  the  bow'-string  which  should  tell  them  that 
an  arrow  was  speeding  on  its  way  to  put  an  end  to  the  tiger.  Thus 
“Y’wa”  w^as  apparently  leaving  the  Karen  people  to  their  fate,  while 
they  were  keeping  on  good  terms  with  “Mii  kaw  li”  by  means  of 

pagoda  which  should  reach  to  heaven.  When  the  pagoda  was  half  built,  God  came  down  and 
confounded  the  speech  of  the  people  and  they  became  scattered.  The  father  of  the  Gaihko  tribe 
was  reputed  to  be  “Than  man  rai,”  who  came  westward  from  the  Red  Karen  country  in  which 
they  had  all  previously  dwelt,  and  with  eight  chiefs  settled  in  the  valley  of  the  Sittang  River.  Dr. 
Francis  Mason  doubts  the  antiquity  of  this  legend,  for  it  certainly  shows  the  marks  of  Hebrew 
influence.  (Dr.  Mason  in  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  BengaU  1868,  Vol.  XXXVII,  p.  163). 

The  above  paraphrase  is  based  on  the  translation  of  the  legends  by  Dr.  Mason  as 
printed  in  the  Journal,  Burma  Research  Society,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  II,  pp.  36,  ff. 


218 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


offerings  and  ceremonies  and  were  hoping  for  the  return  of  the 
white  brother  with  the  Lost  Book. 

Beliefs  Concerning  the  Soul  and  the  Life  Principle 

The  Karen  distinguish  between  the  “tha”  or  soul  and  the 
“k’la”  or  life  principle  (shade)  of  every  human  being.  They  think 
of  the  soul  as  the  seat  of  their  moral  nature,  endowed  with  con- 
science, that  is,  the  power  of  apprehending  right  and  wrong,  and 
with  a personality  that  persists  after  death.  The  soul  is  respon- 
sible and  is  judged  for  the  acts  in  the  flesh.  The  “k’la”  is  more 
intimately  associated  with  one’s  physical  existence.  It  is  the 
force  that  keeps  one  alive  and  well.  As  it  is  being  constantly 
solicited  by  demons  and  more  or  less  by  the  “k’las”  of  dead  rela- 
tives to  leave  the  body,  it  needs  the  protection  of  charms,  offerings, 
and  medicines.^®  As  the  “k’  la”  comes  from  a previous  existence  to 
inhabit  the  body  at  the  time  of  birth  and  departs  into  a new  exist- 
ence at  death,  so  also  it  leaves  the  body  for  brief  periods  and  at 
frequent  intervals,  as  during  sleep.  If  it  remains  away  longer 
than  usual,  its  absence  causes  the  sickness  and  even  the  death  of 
the  body.  As  the  “k’  la”  may  be  away  visiting  friends  or  on  other 
errands  during  the  sleeping  hours,  it  is  not  safe  to  waken  a sleeper 
suddenly.  His  “k’  la”  may  not  have  yet  returned,  in  which  case  he 
could  not  long  survive.  One  Karen  told  me  that  he  had  dreamed  of 
seeing  various  persons  in  heaven  and  hell  and  naively  remarked 
that  his  “k’  la”  must  have  journeyed  to  those  abodes  during  his 
sleep.  Another  Karen,  whose  wife  underwent  a surgical  operation 
at  a hospital  in  the  city,  asked  me  whether  the  ether  cone  was  not 
used  to  extract  and  hold  her  “k’  la,”  in  order  to  render  her  uncon- 
scious, the  “k’  la”  being  restored  to  her  to  enable  her  to  regain  her 
faculties.  The  “k’  las”  of  children  are  supposed  to  be  peculiarly 
susceptible  to  being  enticed  away  by  those  of  the  dead.  Hence,  it 
is  customary  to  tie  children  up  in  the  house  while  a corpse  is  being 
carried  out.  I have  experienced  considerable  difficulty  in  inducing 
the  inhabitants  of  outlying  villages  to  let  me  take  their  pictures, 
for  fear  their  “k’  las”  would  be  carried  off  along  with  the  photo- 

A full  study  of  the  Karen  *‘k’  la”  and  “tha”  was  made  by  the  early  missionaries  to  de- 
termine which  of  these  two  words  should  be  used  in  translating  the  word,  soul.  “Tha”  was  the 
word  finally  chosen.  The  results  of  these  studies  are  recorded,  those  of  Dr.  Wade,  in  The  Karen 
Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  442,  ff,  and  those  of  Dr.  Mason  in  the  Journal,  Asiatw  Society  of 
Bengal  Vol.  XXX,  Pt.  II,  195,  ff. 


RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


219 


graph. In  the  early  days  when  white  men  were  still  a strange 
sight  to  the  people,  they  would  beat  their  breasts  and  call  their 
“k’  las”  to  come  back,  evidently  fearing  that  the  latter  would  follow 
in  curiosity  after  the  strangers.  A friend  of  mine  had  a similar  ex- 
perience among  the  Karen  of  Siam  only  a few  years  ago. 

The  people  think  that  a wandering  “k’la”  may  remain  invisible 
or  assume  the  form  of  the  person  himself.  Stories  are  told  of 
these  wandering  ghosts.  A man  who  had  been  absent  from  his 
village  met  the  apparition  of  his  wife  on  his  way  home.  It  in- 
formed him  that  it  was  going  to  see  its  mother,  but  it  consented 
to  spend  the  night  with  him  in  the  jungle.  As  they  had  no 
food,  the  ghost,  which  was  supposed  by  the  man  to  be  his  wife  in 
person,  went  back  to  their  house  and  took  what  food  it  wanted  from 
the  cooking  pots,  without  revealing  itself  at  all.  Next  morning  the 
man  and  his  ghostly  wife  took  their  separate  paths,  the  former  be- 
ing greatly  shocked  on  arriving  in  the  village  to  find  the  burial  rites 
of  his  wife  in  progress.  Realizing  that  it  was  his  wife’s  “k’la” 
which  he  had  met  in  the  jungle,  he  wished  that  he  had  called  it 
back.  Another  story  relates  that  a husband  was  so  incensed  at 
seeing  his  wife  (the  apparition  being  really  her  “k’la”)  wander- 
ing abroad  that  he  struck  her  in  the  face.  This  act  had  the  desired 
effect,  for  the  “k’  la”  hastened  back  to  its  deserted  body  and  thereby 
put  an  abrupt  end  to  the  funeral  ceremonies,  which  were  already 
in  progress.  This  wandering  propensity  of  the  “k’la”  leads  to  other 
complications  than  those  already  mentioned.  The  elders  are  author- 
ity for  the  statement  that  even  though  a couple  are  living  together 
as  man  and  wife,  their  “k’  las”  may  form  unions  with  those  of 
other  persons,  especially  during  the  hours  of  sleep.  Even  the 
efforts  of  a necromancer  to  summon  the  wandering  “k’  la”  of  a 
sick  person  may  result  in  attracting  the  “k’  la”  of  some  other  per- 
son to  occupy  the  deserted  body,  in  whose  behalf  the  efforts  are  be- 
ing put  forth.  The  new  occupant  may  remain  only  while  generous 
offerings  are  made  to  it,  and  the  sick  person  is  sure  to  experience 
a serious  relapse  when  it  leaves. 

It  seems  to  be  believed  also  that  the  “k’  las”  of  human  beings 
may  take  on  other  forms,  such  as  those  of  insects.  Animals  have 
“k’  las”  which  can  do  the  same  thing.  Sometimes  when  moths  are 

Sir  J.  G.  Frazer  quotes  Dr.  Nieuwerhuis.  who  tells  of  a similar  experience  among  the 
people  of  Borneo : Golden  Bough,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  99.  Some  of  the  Karen  object  to  having  their 
photographs  taken  on  account  of  their  fear  of  sympathetic  magic,  that  is,  they  fear  that  an  acci- 
dent to  the  photograph  would  cause  a similar  one  to  the  original. 


220 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A Hill  Village  in  Transition 

The  family  rooms  have  become  separate  buildings,  each  with  its  own  ladder. 


A Karen  Village  on  the  Plains 

The  Karen  do  not  set  their  houses  in  an  orderly  arrangement,  but  each  man 
builds  where  he  likes  within  the  village  plot.  The  taller  trees  are  cocoanut- 
palms,  the  others  are  “toddy-palms.”  Notice  the  pots  put  up  to  catch  the 
sap  from  which  the  toddy  is  made. 


RELIGIOUS  CONCEPTIONS 


221 


flying  about  a light  people  say ; “Let  the  “k’  las”  of  beasts  and  other 
creatures  fall  into  the  flame,  but  let  the  ‘k’  las’  of  men  fly  carefully 
and  save  themselves.” 

Inanimate  objects  have  their  “k’  las,”  as  well  as  the  lower 
creatures.  Ownership  in  such  possessions  is  duly  observed  by 
killing  the  pigs  and  fowls  of  a woman  when  she  dies.  The  remains 
are  thrown  away  or  given  to  foreigners,  who  do  not  share  the  su- 
perstitions of  the  Karen.  The  paddy-cleaning  implements  and 
clothing  of  the  deceased  are  either  burned  or  buried  with  the  corpse, 
unless  they  are  laid  on  top  of  her  grave.  In  like  manner  the  oxen 
belonging  to  a man  who  has  died  are  killed  and  disposed  of,  while 
his  personal  effects  are  burned  or  put  in  the  grave  with  him.  Other- 
wise, the  owner’s  “k’  la”  might  return  to  the  village  for  his  prop- 
erty and  thereby  bring  calamity  on  the  inhabitants. 

The  idea  seems  to  prevail  among  the  Karen  that  the  “k’  las” 
enter  and  leave  their  bodies  through  the  fontanel  on  the  top  of  the 
head.  In  case  a child  falls  and  cries  the  mother  will  blow  on  this 
spot,  in  order  to  keep  the  life  principle  from  escaping.  However, 
the  customary  method  of  preventing  the  escape  of  the  “k’  la”  is  to 
tie  a string  around  the  wrists,  either  one  or  both  of  them,  after 
fanning  up  the  arms  to  blow  the  “k’  la”  back.  Anybody  may  per- 
form this  act,  but  the  services  of  elders  or  necromancers  (“wi”) 
are  preferred. 

Another  conception  of  the  “k’  la,”  quite  distinct  from  that  set 
forth  above,  is  that  it  is  a seven-fold  spirit  inhabiting  the  body, 
whose  death  it  is  constantly  striving  to  accomplish  through  one  or 
another  of  seven  methods,  namely,  insanity,  licentiousness,  epilepsy, 
oppression,  diseases,  accidents,  and  injury  by  wild  beasts.  Even 
from  the  birth  of  a person  the  seven-fold  “k’  la”  accepts  the  respon- 
sibility of  causing  his  or  her  death  and  is  engaged  in  constant  strug- 
gle with  that  person’s  “so”  (personality  or  character)  for  the  mas- 
tery. As  long  as  the  “so”  is  strong,  it  serves  as  the  individual’s 
guardian  angel;  and  he  remains  immune  both  from  the  attacks 
of  the  seven-fold  “k’  la”  and  from  the  magic  arts  of  witches 
and  necromancers.  However  powerful  the  charm  that  may  be  em- 
ployed against  him,  his  dominating  “so”  will  ward  it  off ; but  if  his 
“so”  should  become  weak,  he  will  soon  lose  his  immunity.^® 


See  Dr.  J.  Wade’s  account  in  The  Karen  Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  450,  fT. 


222 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


The  Continuity  of  Life 

The  Karen  do  not  appear  to  have  conceived  the  idea  of  an  im- 
mortal life.  They  speak  of  “k’  las”  in  “pin”  (hades)  as  dying, 
when  the  “k’  las”  are  believed  to  enter  an  intei’mediate  stage  of  ex- 
istence, becoming  “sgheu.”  These  “sgheu”  are  represented  as  some- 
thing like  eggs  or  bladders  filled  with  a vaporous  substance.  When, 
later,  these  vapor-filled  objects  burst,  their  contents  spread  over 
the  fields ; and  the  developing  flowers  of  the  paddy  and  other  plants 
are  thereby  fertilized,  for  the  vapor  contains  the  fructifying  prin- 
ciple. When  the  grain  is  eaten  as  food,  its  life-giving  power  is  com- 
municated to  the  blood.  Thence,  it  is  imparted  to  the  seminal  fluid, 
by  means  of  which  men  and  animals  are  enabled  to  propagate  life. 
The  transmission  of  life  from  shades  or  ghosts  back  to  life  again  is 
expressed  in  Karen  speech  by  the  root  “lo,”  which  signifies  to  expose 
or  open  one  thing  to  the  influence  of  another.  Inasmuch  as  the 
fecundating  of  the  paddy  takes  place  in  the  rainy  season,  the  “Law 
hpo,”  a company  of  demons  who  regulate  the  rainfall,  are  supposed 
to  act  as  agents  in  bringing  it  about.  When  the  kernels  are  form- 
ing in  the  heads  of  the  paddy,  the  Karen  are  wont  to  say:  “Bu  deu 
htaw  li,”  which  means  literally,  “The  paddy  has  conceived.” 


See  Chapter  XXII  on  Supernatural  and  Mythical  Beings,  p.  230. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


SUPERNATURAL  AND  MYTHICAL  BEINGS 

In  the  Karen  demonism  the  spirits  are  nearly  all  malevolent, 
and  it  takes  a large  share  of  the  time  of  the  people  to  keep  on  good 
terms  with  them.  In  the  hills  and  remote  regions  these  mythical 
beings  still  hold  sway;  but  the  average  Karen  on  the  plains  of 
Lower  Burma  retains  only  a vague  and  dubious  belief  in  these 
powers,  which  have  lost  their  control  over  him  for  the  most  part, 
now  that  he  has  come  into  contact  with  many  outside  influences. 
The  fullest  account  of  these  spirits  is  given  in  the  Karen  Thesaurus 
and  the  writings  of  Drs.  Francis  Mason  and  E.  B.  Cross.  It  is  from 
these  records,  written  in  the  early  days  before  the  Karen  were  dis- 
turbed by  civilizing  influences,  that  I have  chiefly  drawn  the  ma- 
terials for  this  chapter.! 

These  numerous  beings  may  be  divided  into  three  groups  or 
divisions : first,  those  spirits  that  are  thought  to  dwell  apart, 
to  possess  human  attributes,  and  to  control  the  destiny  of  men  and 
events ; second,  the  spirits  of  mortals  that  for  some  reason  have 
been  condemned  to  wander  about  and  that  have  relations,  usually 
evil,  with  living  men ; and,  third,  a number  of  hetergeneous  spirits 
that  never  were  mortal,  but  still  can  influence  men  at  various  times 
and  places.  The  members  of  this  class  are  not  so  generally  recog- 
nized as  those  of  the  first  class. 

In  the  first  group  are  the  “Mil  xa”  and  the  “Hti  k’  sa  kaw 
k’  sa,”  both  of  which  are  conceived  of  as  being  companies  of  divini- 
ties ; “Naw  k’  plaw”  or  “Mii  kaw  li,”  who  corresponds  to  Satan ; 
“Hpi  Bi  Yaw,”  the  Karen  corn  maiden;  “Hkii  Te,”  the  ruler  of 
hades,  and  “Teu  Kweh,”  the  rainbow'. 

The  “Mil  xa”  seem  to  be  a race  of  celestial  beings,  of  w'hom 
“Mii  xa  do”  (literally,  the  great  “Mii  xa”)  is  the  king.  They  appear 
to  have  existed  prior  to  men,  but  good  men  may  after  death  become 
members  of  their  company  and  dw'ell  wuth  them  in  the  upper  re- 
gions of  the  air.  They  are  not  malicious,  although  offerings  are 

1 Dr.  J.  Wade,  The  Karen  Thesaurus,  ed.  of  1915,  Vol.  I,  pp.  455-484:  Dr.  F.  Mason, 
Jouryial,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  XXXIV,  Pt.  II,  pp.  195,  ff  : Rev.  E.  B.  Cross,  JoiirnaU 
Orientai  Society,  Vol.  IV,  (1854)  pp.  312,  ff. 


223 


224 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


made  to  them  lest  their  anger  should  be  aroused  by  some  untoward 
act  on  the  part  of  men.  Their  special  task  is  to  preside  over  births. 
Their  king  occupies  himself  with  the  creation  of  men,  but,  being 
interrupted  continually  by  various  demands  upon  his  attention,  he 
turns  out  many  defectives,  cripples,  and  badly  colored  ones.  This 
poor  workmanship  led  men  in  the  past  to  revile  the  “Mii  xa,” 
who,  consequently,  no  longer  show  themselves  to  mortals.  They 
have  the  power  to  unite  the  souls  of  those  whom  they  have 
predestined  to  marry.  Those  thus  paired  are  vouchsafed  prosper- 
ous and  happy  lives ; but  if  they  succeed  in  mating  with  others  than 
those  intended  for  them,  incompatibility  and  adversity  surely  fol- 
low. The  “Mii  xa”  are  often  addressed  as  though  they  were  the 
parents  of  mankind  and  appear  to  hold  places  comparable  to  that 
of  Zeus  or  Jupiter  among  the  gods  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans. They  are  often  spoken  of  in  Karen  lore  as  dwelling  on  Mount 
“Thaw  Thi,”  as  Zeus  in  Greek  mythology  had  his  abode  on 
Mount  Olympus.-  In  the  celebration  of  family  rites  and  feasts  the 
“Mii  xa”  are  recognized  by  having  words  addi’essed  to  them,  al- 
though the  family  spirits,  commonly  designated  as  “Bgha,”  are 
often  thought  of  as  the  powers  to  be  propitiated  at  this  ceremony. 
In  some  sections  of  the  country  the  “parents  of  mankind”  are 
supposed  to  receive  offerings  in  their  extended  hands,  which  are 
thereby  cleansed.  They  are  then  expected  to  return  to  their  ce- 
lestial abode,  the  hope  being  that  they  will  not  descend  again  to 
the  dwelling-place  of  mortals,  lest,  by  some  mischance,  they  should 
become  offended  and  bring  misfortune  upon  men.  They  are  be- 
lieved to  be  able  to  assume  any  form  they  wish  and  to  render 
themselves  visible  or  invisible  at  will.® 

One  member  of  this  group,  called  “Mii  xa  hkleu,”  is  thought  to 
preside  over  the  much-venerated  banyan  (Ficus  religiost).  It  was 
under  a banyan  tree  that  Gautama  Buddha  received  his  enlighten- 
ment. The  banyan  is,  however,  held  sacred  by  most  of  the  tribes  of 
Indo-China,  even  though  they  are  not  Buddhists.  No  doubt  the  won- 
derful vitality  of  the  seeds  of  this  tree  which  germinate  anywhere, 
especially  in  the  crotches  of  other  trees  and  in  the  head  of  the  palm, 
later  enveloping,  killing,  and  thriving  on  its  host,  has  helped  to 
evoke  the  veneration  of  the  peoples  familiar  with  the  banyan.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Karen  legends,  the  rhinoceros  (“ta  do  hkaw”)  is  the 
beast  on  which  the  guardian  spirit  of  the  banyan  tree  is  accustomed 


- See  Chapter  XXV  in  regard  to  Mount  “Thaw  Thi,*’  pp.  262-264. 

® For  a description  of  the  rites  tendered  to  the  “Mii  xa”  see  pp.  248,  254,  260. 


SUPERNATURAL  AND  MYTHICAL  BEINGS 


225 


to  ride  when  searching  for  the  “k’  las”  of  human  beings.  Any  per- 
son who  kills  one  of  these  animals  arouses  the  enmity  of  the  spirit. 

The  “Hti  k’  sa  kaw  k’  sa,”  or  “lords  of  the  water  and  land,”  or 
“lords  of  the  earth,”  are  the  deities  who  rule  over  the  lands  of  the 
earth.  They  are  superior  to  the  spirits  that  preside  over  rivers  and 
mountains  and  have  tempers  that  are  easily  disturbed.  Ill-spoken 
words,  as  well  as  improper  and  immoral  actions,  easily  offend  them ; 
and  they  take  vengeance  on  persons  guilty  of  such  misde- 
meanors by  sending  tigers,  snakes,  and  various  illnesses  upon  them. 
They  are  sometimes  confused  with  the  king  of  hades,  who  also 
passes  judgment  on  the  sins  of  mortals.  One  way  to  avoid  anger- 
ing the  lords  of  the  earth  is  to  scrape  a little  rice  from  the  top  of 
the  pot  while  cooking  and  lay  it  aside  as  an  offering  to  them.  Con- 
cerning their  relation  to  these  divinities,  the  people  say  that  if  they 
transgress  in  their  language  while  in  a distant  land,  the  lords  of 
the  earth  will  kill  them  before  dark ; but  if  guilty  of  swearing  or 
using  indecent  words  in  their  own  country,  they  can  assuage  the 
anger  of  these  spirits  by  making  an  offering  of  rice  and  water  at 
the  foot  of  a tree  and  uttering  the  following  prayer:  “0  Lords  of 
the  earth,  we  are  ignorant  people.  Whatever  transgressions  we 
have  been  guilty  of  in  using  harsh  or  obscene  words,  do  not,  0 
Lords,  hold  them  against  us.  We  will  make  offerings  annually. 
If  we  do  not  die,  you  shall  eat  of  our  food  every  year  and  of  our 
children’s  offerings  generation  after  generation.” 

Every  tree,  river,  lake,  and,  indeed,  almost  every  natural  object 
is  supposed  by  the  Karen  to  be  inhabited  by  its  “k’  sa”  or  divinity. 
These  local  spirits,  however,  are  regarded  by  many  as  constituting 
lower  orders  of  the  divinities  of  the  first  group.  When  a man 
selects  the  location  for  his  field,  he  must  perform  certain  cei’e- 
monies  to  win  their  good  will.  The  simplest  of  these  is  to  place 
offerings  of  rice  and  water  at  the  foot  of  some  large  tree  in  the 
plot  chosen  or  to  go  through  the  ceremonies  described  in  the  chap- 
ter on  Agricultural  Pursuits  and  Other  Occupations.*  There  are 
also  the  annual  sacrifices  to  these  spirits  that  have  been  desci’ibed 
fully  in  the  chapter  on  Propitiatory  Sacrifices  and  Healing  Offer- 
ings, pp.  234,  ff. 

The  nefarious  work  and  character  of  “Naw  k’  plaw”  or  “Mii 
kaw  li”  have  been  sufficiently  revealed  in  the  narration  of  the  story 
of  his  temptation  of  the  first  parents  of  the  Karen  race  in  the 


^ See  ante,  pp.  76,  ff. 


226 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


orchard  that  was  planted  for  them  by  the  great  and  eternal  God, 
“Y’wa.”  (See  pp.  214-216.) 

The  divinity  that  presides  over  the  cultivation  of  the  paddy  is 
known  as  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw.”  The  legend  relating  to  this  goddess  states 
that  she  and  her  spouse,  in  the  form  of  pythons,  slept  on  the  paddy 
pile  of  a certain  man  and  thereby  caused  the  increase  of  his  grain 
until  it  filled  three  bins,  but  that  the  ungrateful  wretch  killed  the 
male  serpent,  bringing  a curse  upon  himself  as  the  result  of  which 
his  supply  gave  out  at  the  end  of  three  months.  In  the  attempt  to 
buy  enough  grain  to  furnish  food  for  his  family  he  was  reduced  to 
poverty.  After  this  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw”  taught  an  orphan  how  to  raise 
abundant  crops  in  return  for  offerings  which  he  made  to  her.  As 
the  other  people  were  ignorant  of  what  was  expected  of  them,  she 
first  destroyed  their  crops  and  later  caused  their  death,  thereby  in- 
stituting the  custom  of  sacrifices  in  her  honor. 

Another  legend  in  regard  to  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw”  relates  that  in  the 
guise  of  a dreadful  old  hag  she  begged  men,  who  were  seeking  food 
in  the  jungle  during  a famine,  to  share  with  her.  They  refused; 
but  an  orphan,  following  in  her  path,  took  pity  on  her  and  was  re- 
warded by  being  instructed  in  all  the  arts  of  raising  paddy.  Be- 
ginning with  three  kernels,  which  he  took  from  the  stomach  of  a 
dove,  he  grew  both  the  early  and  the  ordinary  varieties  of  rice,  as 
well  as  the  glutinous  rice.  With  a small  knife  given  him  by  the 
goddess  he  was  able  to  clear  away  the  j ungle-growth  from  his  field 
at  a stroke.  Eeturning  home  with  him,  she  directed  him  to  boil  a 
pot  of  water,  and  into  it  she  shook  an  ample  quantity  of  rice  for  the 
meal  from  her  finger-tips.  Through  her  favor  his  field  surpassed  all 
others  in  productivity  and  was  cut  by  one  sweep  of  the  sickle.  The 
grain  was  transferred  from  the  field  to  its  bin  by  magic,  and,  al- 
though stolen  by  the  villagers,  was  restored  by  the  goddess’s 
dancing  in  the  empty  bin.  During  successive  years  she  befriended 
the  orphan  and  even  dwelt  in  a hut  in  his  field  during  the  cultivat- 
ing season,  until  he  became  prosperous  enough  to  marry.  The  very 
next  season,  however,  the  orphan’s  wife  became  jealous  of  the  god- 
dess, came  to  the  field,  and  beat  her  with  a bamboo  pole,  until  the 
divinity  managed  to  escape  from  her  assailant  by  changing  herself 
into  a cricket  and  hiding  in  a crab’s  burrow.  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw”  be- 
came so  incensed  at  the  outrageous  treatment  she  had  received 
that  she  has  never  returned  since  to  aid  any  mortal ; but 


SUPERNATURAL  AND  MYTHICAL  BEINGS 


227 


offerings  are  made  to  her,  and  the  rim  of  earth  that  encircles  the 
entrance  to  crabs’  burrows  is  placed  on  top  of  the  paddy  pile  and 
in  the  bin  in  her  honor.’^ 

“Hkii  Te”  is  the  lord  of  the  region  of  death,  the  king  of  hades. 
His  origin  is  explained  as  follows : A couple  dwelling  in  the  spirit 


A Bwe  Karen  Christian  Village,  Toungoo  District 
The  Karen  still  love  to  build  their  houses  as  close  together  as  possible. 


realm  once  plotted  to  slay  and  devour  their  son-in-law.  Accord- 
ingly, they  turned  themselves  into  giant  winding  creepers  hanging 
across  the  road  by  which  their  intended  victim  was  returning  from 
his  field,  carrying  a basket  of  paddy.  Instead  of  attempting  to  pass 
under  the  vines,  as  he  was  expected  to  do,  the  son-in-law  severed 
them  with  his  sickle.  One  of  the  creepers,  the  wife,  immediately 
flew  upward  to  the  sky  and  became  a rainbow,  while  the  other  pen- 
etrated the  earth,  resumed  his  original  form  as  a man,  and  became 
king  of  hades.  There  he  receives  the  souls  of  mortals  and  rules 
over  the  dead.  As  judge  of  those  under  his  authority  he  grants  per- 
mission to  the  ones  that  have  lived  worthily  to  enter  the  higher 
realms,  but  he  condemns  to  the  lowest  hell  those  of  base  lives.  No 
offerings  are  made  to  this  Karen  Pluto. 

^ See  ante,  p.  62.  An  account  of  the  ceremonies  performed  in  connection  with  the  culti- 
vation of  paddy  occupies  pp.  54-62.  The  myth  concerning  “Hpi  Bi  Yaw”  resembles  more  or 
less  that  of  the  Irish  and  Scotch  corn  maiden,  Kernaby,  and  suggests  that  of  the  Roman  Ceres 
and  the  Greek  Demeter:  Sir  J.  G.  Frazer,  “The  Spirits  of  the  Corn  and  of  the  Wild.”  in  The 
Golden  Bough,  Vols.  VII  and  VIII. 


228 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


“Hkii  Te”  is  to  be  seen  as  a rainbow  in  the  west  occasionally. 
At  such  times,  according  to  one  version  of  the  legend,  he  is  lowering 
a tube  through  which  to  drink  the  liquor  provided  at  wedding- 
feasts.  When  a rainbow  appears  in  the  west  early  in  the  morning, 
the  king  of  hades  is  again  in  the  sky,  this  time  setting  up  a funeral 
post  (“t  le”)  for  his  children."  From  this  it  seems  that  he  has  had 
several  offspring,  but  his  wife  has  never  borne  him  any  since  their 
son-in-law  thwarted  their  plot  against  his  life  in  the  remote  past. 
The  funeral  post  is  intended  to  remind  men  that  many  persons  have 
died  without  receiving  proper  burial  ceremonies.  Such  neglect  en- 
tails some  sort  of  a calamity.  Hence,  the  Karen  are  stricken  with 
terror  when  they  observe  the  rainbow  arching  the  western  heavens 
early  in  the  morning,  especially  if  this  sign  is  accompanied  by 
thunder  and  earthquake.  Under  such  circumstances  they  will  not  go 
to  their  work,  for  it  is  tabu."  If  a Karen  should  point  at  such  a 
rainbow,  he  would  at  once  thrust  his  finger  into  his  navel  in  order 
to  avoid  the  loss  of  the  offending  member.  This  act  is  called  “ugh 
de  de.” 

The  people  say  of  the  rainbow  in  the  east  that  at  the  time 
“Teu  Kweh,”  wife  of  “Hku  Te,”  became  the  bow  of  promise  in  the 
sky  she  was  pregnant,  and,  being  now  separated  from  the  earth, 
she  is  seen  from  time  to  time  in  the  east  going  to  draw  water  for 
herself.  The  souls  of  women  who  die  with  child  are  supposed  to 
have  no  other  means  of  obtaining  drink,  except  from  the  rainbow 
divinity.  When  two  rainbows  appear  in  the  east,  the  upper  and 
larger  one  is  her  husband,  who  is  visiting  with  her. 

The  second  group  of  spirits  among  the  Karen  comprises  those 
who  have  spent  some  time  on  earth  as  human  beings,  but  have  not 
gained  entrance  into  the  realm  of  the  dead  because  they  were  de- 
nied funeral  rites  either  on  account  of  their  bad  character  or  on  ac- 
count of  their  having  died  by  violence.  Hence  they  are  doomed  to 
wander  about,  avenging  themselves  upon  mortals.  As  they  are  sup- 
posed to  be  particularly  occupied  with  this  mission  at  nightfall,  the 
Karen  think  it  imprudent  to  be  out  during  the  early  evening. 

This  division  consists  of  three  groups  of  beings.  The  first  are 
“Th’  re  ta  hka,”  or  ghosts  of  those  who  have  died  violent  deaths  or 
have  been  carried  off  by  epidemics  of  cholera,  smallpox,  etc.  and 
could  not,  therefore,  be  given  proper  funeral  ceremonies.  They  are 
believed  to  bring  violent  deaths  and  epidemics  upon  mortals,  prob- 

^ See  Chapter  XX  on  Funeral  Customs,  p.  200. 

* See  Chapter  XXVIII  on  Tabu,  p.  289. 


SUPERNATURAL  AND  MYTHICAL  BEINGS 


229 


ably  in  revenge  for  the  manner  of  their  own  taking-off.  The  second 
group  is  made  up  of  those  who  were  notoriously  evil  in  the 
earthly  life  and  suffered  capital  punishment  for  their  crimes,  and 
of  those  who  as  chiefs  were  known  to  be  tyrants.  This  group  as  a 
whole  is  called  “Ta  mii  xa.”  * Its  members  appear  in  the  forms  of 
giants  and  goblins  or  of  Burman  “pongyis”  (Buddhist  monks)  and 
are  usually  seen  by  sick  persons  whose  spirits  (“k’las”)  they  are 
seeking  and  on  which  they  subsist.®  These  demons  are  attended 
by  dogs  in  the  form  of  woodpeckers.  According  to  a legend  two 
men,  who  were  detained  in  the  forest  until  night,  heard  a wood- 
pecker call,  and  immediately  thereafter  they  heard  some  ghosts 
say  that  the  dog  had  barked.  One  of  the  men  shouted,  but  they 
could  distinguish  nothing  but  some  remark  about  monkeys,  followed 
by  the  sound  of  a bowstring.  The  pair  being  thus  discovered  by 
the  woodpecker,  which  was  evidently  with  the  demons,  were  stricken 
with  a chill  and  died  the  next  morning.  Consequently,  when  a 
Karen  hears  the  scream  of  this  bird  of  ill-omen,  he  calls  out : 

“Shun  me;  stay  far  off. 

Go  thine  own  way ; keep  thine  own  road.” 

The  third  group  of  the  ghosts  of  mortals  consists  of  those 
who,  through  somie  accident,  have  been  deprived  of  the  funeral 
ceremonies.  This  group  was  discovered  ages  ago  through  the  dis- 
tressing experience  of  a certain  patriarch,  who  came  upon  the  body 
of  a Talain  w^ho  had  been  struck  by  lightning.  He  carried  off  the 
skull,  took  it  home,  and  put  it  up  over  his  fireplace.  During  the 
night  the  death’s-head  assumed  human  form  and  wandered  all  over 
the  house,  thereby  striking  terror  into  the  members  of  the  family. 
Before  morning  it  resumed  its  former  shape.  The  ghosts  of  people 
thus  accidentally  killed  and  left  unburied  are  called  “Ta  t’  hka”  or 
“Ta  s’  hka.”  They  inspire  the  Karen  with  horror,  a fact  taken  ad- 
vantage of  by  some  miscreants  who  work  evil  on  their  enemies  by 
means  of  a skull  kept  for  the  purpose.  However,  such  working  of 
evil  falls  within  the  realm  of  magic. 

The  third  general  division  of  spirits  comprises  a heterogeneous 
lot  of  divinities,  who  exercise  more  or  less  influence  on  the  life  and 
prosperity  of  men.  Some  of  these  may  have  been  inherited  from 

® The  Karen  designation  of  this  group  differs  in  pronunciation  from  that  of  the  celestial 
beings  (Mu  xa)  not  only  in  having  three  syllables,  but  also  in  that  its  last  syllable  has  the  grave 
or  heavy  tone,  while  in  the  latter  case  “xa”  is  given  the  rising  or  light  tone. 

® For  the  rites  in  connection  with  these,  see  p.  240, 

See  Chapter  XXVI  on  Magic,  p 274. 


230 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


older  tribes  in  the  country,  but  have  become  the  common  property 
of  the  Karen  for  several  generations  back. 

The  Titan  Atlas  of  the  ancient  Greeks,  supporting  a globe,  has 
his  counterpart  in  “Hsi  gu  maw  ya”  or  “Maw  ya,”  as  he  is  some- 
times called.  He  is  a brother  of  “Y’wa”  and  holds  the  world  on  his 
shoulders.  When  he  grows  weary,  he  shifts  it  from  one  side  to  the 
other  and  thus  causes  earthquakes.  Sometimes  the  beetles  that  feed 
on  the  refuse  of  human  beings  report  to  him  that  they  ai’e  starving, 
because  there  are  no  more  people  to  supply  them  with  food.  This 
so  angers  him  that  he  shakes  himself  and  produces  a series  of 
earth-tremors.  As  these  phenomena  are  common  in  Burma,  the 
Karen  seek  to  quiet  them  by  shouting  out : “We  are  still  here.  We 
are  still  here.”  Work  is  tabu  during  the  day  on  which  an  earth- 
quake occurs. 

The  semiannual  change  of  seasons  can  not  but  attract  the  at- 
tention of  the  people  living  in  Burma.  F or  the  Karen  a company  of 
demons,  the  “Law,”  is  responsible  for  the  wet  season  and  another 
group,  the  “Hku  de,”  for  the  dry  season.  The  former,  who  are 
sometimes  named  the  “Law  hpo”  (signifying  a company  of  them), 
are  believed  to  have  cities  and  dwellings  in  the  upper  regions, 
whence  they  regulate  the  rainfall  and  reveal  themselves  in  the 
thunder  and  lightning.  The  flashes  of  lightning  are  nothing  less 
than  the  flapping  of  their  wings  and  the  thunder  is  the  rattle  of  their 
flying  shafts  against  their  foes,  the  “Hku  de.” 

The  “Law”  are  also  regarded  as  the  source  of  the  fructifying 
power  in  all  plants  and  trees  that  form  their  fruits  in  the  wet 
season.  The  grain  is  said  to  be  conceiving  when  the  kernels  are  de- 
veloping, and  the  “Law  hpo”  are  said  to  be  the  husbands  who  bring 
this  about.  Their  function  is  to  provide  the  plants,  especially  the 
paddy  which  is  heading  during  the  latter  part  of  the  rainy  sea- 
son. with  the  “sgheu”  (the  life-giving  principle),  that  is,  the  va- 
porous substance  that  comes  from  the  land  of  the  dead  and  revives 
all  life  on  the  earth. The  scarcity  of  domestic  animals  among  the 
Karen  is  attributed  to  these  demons,  who  are  alleged  to  have  raised 
such  a stifling  dust  by  shooting  their  shafts  against  the  rocks  that 
the  creatures  took  refuge  in  the  jungle  and  became  wild  before  they 
could  be  caught  again. 

The  enemies  of  the  “Law,”  the  “Hku  de,”  are  also  demons  of 
the  upper  air  with  a human  appearance,  but  no  abiding-place.  Dur- 


11  See  Chapter  XXVIII  on  Tabu.  p.  289. 

See  Chapter  XXI  on  ReliKious  Conceptions,  p.  222. 


SUPERNATURAL  AND  MYTHICAL  BEINGS 


231 


ing  the  period  when  the  “Law”  are  supreme,  these  divinities  betake 
themselves  to  the  clefts  and  fissures  of  the  rocks  on  Mount  “Thaw 
Thi” ; but  towards  the  end  of  the  wet  season  they  begin  to  gather 
their  forces  together  for  a mortal  combat  with  their  opponents. 
The  flashing  of  spears  is  seen  in  the  forked  lightning,  and  the  force 
of  the  blows  exchanged  is  revealed  in  the  roar  of  the  thunder.  The 
“Law  hpo”  are  unable  to  hold  out  against  the  onslaught  and  with- 
draw for  six  months  to  the  fissures  and  rifts  in  the  rocks  from 
which  the  “Hku  de”  came  forth.  A half-year  later  the  “Law”  will 
vanquish  the  present  victors. 

The  “P’yo”  are  demons,  usually  in  the  form  of  dragons  or  ser- 
pents, that  blow  the  water  up  from  the  ocean  and  produce  the  clouds 
from  which  the  rain  descends.  They  sometimes  take  on  human 
form,  and  in  this  guise  they  figure  in  many  Karen  tales.  They  pre- 
side over  the  deep  pools  of  streams,  whose  flow  may  otherwise  be 
reduced  to  the  merest  trickle.  The  king  of  the  crocodiles,  “Maw 
law  kwi,”  is  said  to  be  one  of  these  demons. 

Eclipses,  like  the  clouds,  are  supposed  to  be  caused  by  demons ; 
but  the  eclipse-producing  demons  were  once  the  dogs  of  a certain 
mythical  personage  who  tried  unsuccessfully  to  recover  his  stolen 
elixir  of  life  from  the  moon.  These  dogs  are  “K’  paw  ta  thu”  and 
“T’  hke  mo  bak.” 

There  are  other  mythical  beings  of  w'hom  the  Karen  have  more 
or  less  vague  ideas,  for  example,  the  two  daughters  of  “Y’wa” 
who  came  to  earth  in  order  to  improve  the  condition  of  men.  A 
prophet  discovered  their  identity  and  urged  the  people  to  build  a 
temple  for  their  w'orship.  The  Pwo  Karens  not  only  failed  to  fol- 
low this  advice,  but  also  disregarded  the  proprieties  so  far  as  to 
begin  pulling  out  their  gold  and  silver  hair  ornaments.  The  god- 
desses became  so  disgusted  with  this  rude  treatment  that  they 
hastened  back  to  their  celestial  abode,  nevermore  to  be  seen  by 
mankind. 

A large  group  of  malevolent  beings,  much  feared  by  the  Karen, 
are  the  “Ta  na.”  These  are  witch-like  in  their  operations,  but  pos- 
sess the  power  to  assume  almost  any  form  at  will  in  order  to  harm 
mortals  and  are  superhuman.  They  are  not  to  be  confused  with  the 
Burmese  “nats,”  although  they  have  certain  resemblances  to  them.^-^ 

For  the  tale  of  the  origin  of  eclipses  see  Chapter  XI  on  Measures  of  Time  and  Space. 
Karen  Astronomy,  p.  59. 

See  “Shwe  Yoe"  (Sir  J.  G.  Scott),  The  Burman,  His  Life  and  Notions,  Chap.  XXII,  pp. 

299.  ff. 


232 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


The  origin  of  the  “Ta  na”  is  explained  in  two  ways.  According  to 
one  of  these  accounts,  a basket  containing  all  manner  of  living  crea- 
tures was  once  set  before  the  human  race.  The  people  were  com- 
manded to  partake  of  them  all,  lest,  if  any  were  left,  they  might  be 
themselves  devoured  by  the  survivors.  But  the  “Ta  na”  clung  so 
closely  to  the  bottom  of  the  basket  that  they  were  overlooked  and 
hav?  been  able  to  terrify  mortals  ever  since.  The  other  explanation 
of  the  origin  of  these  beings  is  that  they  were  a sort  of  super- 
natural stomach  belonging  to  certain  persons  and  subsisting  not  on 
ordinary  food,  but  on  the  “k’las”  or  spirits  of  human  beings.  The 
stomachs  were  capable  of  detaching  themselves,  in  order  to  go  in 
search  of  their  special  kind  of  nutriment.  They  may  perhaps  be 
compared  to  the  old  conception  of  the  nightmare  in  English  folk- 
lore, except  that  this  demon  confined  its  activities  to  the  sleeping 
hours  of  the  victim.  The  depredations  of  the  horrible  “Ta  na”  are 
related  in  many  stories,  of  which  the  following  may  serve  as  an 
illustration : 

A man  was  awakened  one  night  by  a figure,  which  he  took  to  be 
that  of  his  nephew  in  the  act  of  massaging  him.  Next  morning  the 
nephew  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  incident  and  requested  his 
uncle  to  strike  him,  if  he  was  again  detected  in  so  strange  a 
procedure.  The  next  night  there  was  a recurrence  of  the  inci- 
dent but  the  uncle  refrained  from  hitting  his  nephew,  as  he  sup- 
posed the  apparition  to  be.  On  the  third  night,  however,  he  cut  off 
the  head  of  the  troublesome  visitor;  and  after  dawn  a headless 
corpse  was  found  in  the  village,  which  the  uncle  regarded  as  proof 
that  the  “na”  had  assumed  the  form  of  his  nephew  in  the  effort  to 
obtain  his  own  shade  (“k’la”). 

In  another  instance,  one  of  the  “Ta  na”  gave  a slave  girl  the 
appearance  of  her  mistress  and  vice  versa.  As  a result  of  this 
exchange  of  characters  the  husband  sent  his  wife  into  the  fields  to 
drive  the  birds  from  the  standing  grain.  The  wife,  making  friends 
with  the  birds,  easily  induced  them  to  let  the  paddy  alone;  while 
she  sent  a dove  to  her  mother  to  fetch  some  fragrant  oil,  by  means 
of  which  she  was  at  length  restored  to  her  own  form  and  station. 

One  of  the  measures  sometimes  taken  by  a Karen  to  protect  his 
field  from  the  ravages  of  the  birds,  is  to  impale  a tuft  of  grass  on 
a sharp  stick  in  token  of  the  kind  of  treatment  he  declares  himself 
to  be  visiting  on  the  demon  itself.  The  latter  is  thereby  duly 
warned  to  stay  away  from  the  field. 


SUPERNATURAL  AND  MYTHICAL  BEINGS 


233 


As  certain  “na”  dwell  in  the  water,  persons  who  go  in  bathing 
must  take  care  not  to  offend  them.  Otherwise,  the  bathers  are  liable 
to  sudden  illness. 

A monster  called  “T’nu”  appears  destined  to  play  the  part  of 
destroying  angel  among  the  Karen  after  the  righteous  shall  have 
disappeared  from  the  earth.  He  will  then  exterminate  the  wicked. 
He  is  represented  as  going  about  with  a huge  crossbow. 

There  is  a race  of  giants,  known  as  “Daw  t’ka,”  who,  like  the 
“Ta  na,”  feed  on  the  “k’las”  of  mortals.  They  are  greatly  feared 
by  the  Karen,  especially  in  Siam  where  the  people  refuse  to  send 
their  children  to  school  in  the  neighboring  district  of  Moulmein, 
lest  these  spirit-eating  giants  may  devour  them. 

In  the  Shwegyin  district  “Ta  t’  hkaw  hkaw”  (the  one- 
legged  one)  is  a demon  with  the  form  of  a female  with  but  one  leg 
on  which  she  hops  along  the  jungle  paths,  occasionally  falling  over. 
If  one  answers  her  call  for  help  and  assists  her  to  arise,  her  ill- 
temper  causes  her  to  give  no  other  acknowledgment  of  the  service 
than  a slap  in  the  face  of  him  who  renders  it.  The  Brecs  offer  the 
alleged  bones  of  this  creature  for  sale  to  the  women  of  other  tribes, 
who  prize  them  greatly  as  charms. 

From  the  foregoing  account  it  will  be  readily  seen  that  the  life 
of  the  Karen  has  been  dominated  by  superstitious  beliefs  in  unseen 
and  malicious  powers,  which  seem  to  be  always  in  waiting  to  take 
offense  and  do  some  harm  to  his  crops,  his  family,  or  himself.  In 
the  succeeding  chapter  his  efforts  to  propitiate  and  keep  on  good 
terms  with  these  myriad  demons  are  set  forth. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS 

The  rites  and  sacrifices  of  the  Karen  people  seem  almost  innum- 
erable. As  we  have  seen  elsewhere,  their  offerings  are  designed  to 
placate  the  evil  powers  and  win  the  favor  of  the  good.  It  is  difficult 
to  discover  the  exact  meaning  of  the  numerous  ceremonies ; for  the 
people  are  reticent  about  them,  fearing  that  the  demons  may  over- 
hear and  learn  their  motives  or  other  matters  connected  with  the 
rites  that  may  anger  them.  Often  persons  who  are  performing 
some  ceremony  do  not  pretend  to  know  its  meaning,  frankly  admit- 
ting that  they  do  not  understand  but  are  simply  following  the 
customs  of  the  elders.  Offerings  that  seem  nearly  alike  to  the 
foreign  resident  in  Burma  have  their  special  significance  for  the 
Karen,  being  made  to  different  demons,  or  at  special  times,  or  as 
preventives,  cures,  etc.  The  religion  of  the  Karen  is  not  one  of  love 
and  worship,  but  largely  of  fear  of  the  occult  powers  by  which  they 
believe  themselves  to  be  surrounded.  Their  ceremonies  and  offer- 
ings are,  therefore,  inspired  by  personal  and  utilitarian  motives, 
namely,  to  avert  danger  and  bring  good  fortune.  Hence,  it  is  not  un- 
common for  the  ritualist  to  make  his  offering  not  to  a single  demon 
but  to  “all  you  evil  spirits.”  Since  the  “k’la”  or  life  principle  of 
human  beings  is  supposed  to  be  the  normal  food  of  these  spirits, 
sickness  is  to  be  avoided  or  cured  by  offerings  of  the  most  savory 
foods,  drink,  and  other  things  that  may  tempt  the  hungry  demon 
from  the  person  whose  shade  it  is  trying  to  devour. 

For  convenience  we  may  divide  the  propitiatory  ceremonies 
into  three  classes.  One  group  comprises  those  acts  of  homage, 
sometimes  elaborate,  in  which  the  demons  are  invoked  with  sacri- 
fices and  rites,  as  in  the  case  of  the  offerings  to  the  lords  of  the 
land  and  water  (“Hti  k’  kaw  k’  sa”),  to  the  “Mu  xa,”  and  to  the 
“Bgha”  of  the  particular  family.  The  second  group  consists  of  the 
rites  used  in  placating  evil  demons  who  may  be  feeding  upon  the 
“k’  la”  of  a sick  person.  These  take  the  form  of  offerings  and  ap- 
peals to  the  wandering  shade  to  return  to  its  proper  abode.  The 
third  group  is  that  in  which  the  offerings  are  made  to  the  shade 


234 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS  235 


itself,  when  it  has  left  the  body  of  its  own  volition  or  on  account  of  a 
sudden  fright,  and  is  liable  to  become  lost  in  the  jungle.  In  such 
cases  the  “k’  la”  must  be  lured  back  and  induced  to  remain  in  the 
body  it  normally  animates. 

The  “Hti  k’  sa  kaw  k’  sa”  are  the  powers  that  rule  the  earth 
and  that  most  abhor  the  sins  of  lust.^  It  is  to  these  powers  that  the 
Sgaw  and  Bwe  tribes  make  a periodic  sacrifice  (“Ta  lu  hpa  do”  or  the 
great  sacrifice),  ordinarily  once  in  three  years,  but  when  the  crops 
fail  because  of  their  sins,  as  they  think,  as  often  as  once  a year. 
The  sacrifice  serves  the  double  purpose  of  honoring  the  lords  of 
the  land  and  water  and  purging  the  people  of  their  carnal  sins. 
When,  therefore,  the  tribes  enjoy  a prolonged  period  of  prosperity, 
they  consider  themselves  morally  acceptable  to  the  powers  and  delay 
their  sacrifice  for  four  or  even  five  years. ^ 

A.  The  Great  Sacrifice  of  the  Sgaw 

Among  the  Sgaw  the  great  sacrifice  is  ordered  by  the  most  in- 
fluential chief  of  the  country,  his  directions  being  given  to  those 
chiefs  who  are  willing  to  acknowledge  his  superiority  and  by  them 
in  turn  to  their  villages.  The  time  being  appointed,  a suitable  spot 
near  a good  stream  is  chosen  to  which  every  family  is  expected  to 
bring  a boar  and  a white  fowl,  while  the  chiefs  each  bring  a bullock 
or  a goat.  An  altar  of  bamboo  with  seven  posts  on  each  side  is 
erected,  the  roof  of  which  consists  of  seven  tiers  each  smaller  than 
the  one  below,  like  that  of  a Buddhist  palace.  Posts  are  set  round 
to  which  the  sacrificial  creatures  are  tied.  On  the  day  named  for 
the  ceremonies  a jar  of  liquor  is  placed  at  the  foot  of  each  post,  and 
young  man  is  appointed  by  each  chief  to  kill  his  animal  after  a 
prayer  has  been  uttered  by  the  great  chief.  During  the  prayer  the 
young  men  stand  holding  their  “xeh”  (sickles)  over  their  victims, 
while  the  chiefs  place  their  hands  on  the  animals.  The  prayer  is  as 
follows : 

“0  Lords  of  the  land  and  water.  O Lords  of  mercy.  Lest  the  country 
should  be  stricken  and  the  grain  destroyed;  lest  the  people  should  be  distressed 
and  a pestilence  come  upon  them,  we  put  our  sins  on  these  buffaloes,  oxen,  and 
goats.®  From  this  day  henceforth  may  it  please  you  to  disregard  our  sins.  Let 

1 See  pa^e  225. 

2 Dr.  Mason  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  BengaU  Vol.  XXXIV,  pp.  212,  ff.  : 
Rev.  T.  Than  Bya  in  Karen  Customs,  pp.  20,  ff. 

® In  these  ceremonies  one  can  readily  see  the  similarity  to  that  of  the  scapegoat  of  ancient 
Israel.  (Lev.  16:21-23).  For  a full  discussion  of  this  widespread  idea,  see  Sir  J.  G.  Frazer’s 
article  on  “The  Scape  Goat,”  in  The  Golden  Bought  Vol.  IX. 


236 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


illness  not  come  upon  our  people.  O ye  Great  Spirits  that  rule  the  heaven  and 
the  earth,  receive  our  offerings  and  have  mercy  upon  us.  From  now  on  may  our 
land  be  fruitful,  may  the  work  of  our  children  prosper,  may  they  keep  well. 
Forget  our  evil  deeds,  which  bring  distress.  May  these  things  come  to  pass  be- 
cause of  the  offerings  that  we  are  now  making.” 

The  young  men  hamstring  the  animals  and  cut  their  throats  as 
soon  as  the  chiefs  remove  their  hands.  The  blood  is  poured  around 
the  place  of  sacrifice.  The  gall-bladders  are  examined  to  see  if  they 
are  full  and  well-rounded.  If  so,  the  sacrifice  is  thought  to  be  ac- 
ceptable. Otherwise,  it  is  evident  that  the  sins  of  the  people  are 
not  yet  absolved  and  will  not  be,  until  they  provide  satisfactory  ani- 
mals. Assuming,  however,  that  the  first  offering  proves  to  be  ac- 
ceptable, the  hair  is  burned  off  of  the  animals.  Their  heads  and 
feet  are  cut  off  and  laid  upon  the  altar,  and  seven  bamboo  water- 
joints  are  fastened  to  its  posts.  When  the  flesh  is  cooked  the  great 
chief  goes  to  the  altar,  takes  some  rice  and  meat  on  a silver  tray, 
fills  all  of  the  bamboo  joints  and  puts  some  of  the  food  down  at 
various  places  on  the  altar.  He  then  eats  a morsel  himself,  after 
which  each  of  the  others  eat  in  turn. 

While  this  ceremony  is  in  progress,  every  one  must  confess  his 
sins.  If  there  is  any  doubt  about  a person,  he  must  remove  it  either 
by  the  water  ordeal  or  by  that  of  climbing  a tree.  The  water  ordeal 
consists  of  two  parts.  First,  the  person  doubted  and  the  one  doubt- 
ing him  take  each  a plantain  stem  and  toss  it  into  the  swift  cur- 
rent of  the  river.  The  chief  notes  which  stem  is  thrown  up 
higher  by  the  water.  Second,  this  part  is  far  more  serious : it  con- 
sists in  pushing  the  two  men  under  the  water  and  holding  them 
there  by  means  of  forked  sticks  across  their  necks.  The  first  one 
struggling  up  for  air  is  accounted  the  loser.  If  he  is  the  same  one 
whose  plantain  was  tossed  lower  than  that  of  his  opponent,  he  is 
regarded  as  surely  guilty. 

In  the  ordeal  of  tree  climbing  the  contending  men  are  sent  in 
turn  up  a tree  that  has  been  cut  around  the  foot  until  almost  ready 
to  fall.  The  climber  must  ascend  to  the  top  and  throw  down  a gar- 
ment so  deftly  as  not  to  touch  any  one  of  a number  of  spears  set 
up  around  its  base.  During  the  test  the  tree  must  not  sway  or  creak, 
much  less  fall.  The  one  who  performs  this  feat  with  the  least  dis- 
turbance to  the  tree  is  the  winner. 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS  237 


B.  The  Bwe  Sacrifice 

The  Sgaw  offer  their  great  sacrifice  in  January/  The  Bwe, 
however,  make  their  offering  in  July  when  the  paddy  is  well  started. 
They  sacrifice  one  hog  in  a central  spot  of  the  village  lands,  first 
erecting  a booth  under  a eugenia  tree,  which  they  consider  sacred. 
Four  elders  act  as  priests,  their  functions  being  herediatary.®  Each 
man  cuts  three  bamboos,  one  to  represent  a post  of  his  paddy-bin 
and  the  other  two  to  show  the  height  he  wants  the  grain  to  be  in 
his  bin.  Then  he  makes  a miniature  bin,  a long  pen,  a trap,  and  a 
snare.  When  the  people  assemble,  only  the  most  prosperous  elders 
sit  with  the  priests  in  the  booth.  No  women  are  allowed  to  be 
present. 

The  leader  takes  a sprig  from  a eugenia  tree  and  raises  it 
in  his  clasped  hand  to  heaven  and  prays,  the  others  doing  likewise. 
The  leader  then  spears  the  hog;  and,  when  the  blood  flows,  all 
seize  their  bamboos  and  cry  out : “May  my  paddy  be  as  high  as  these 
bamboos.”  Some  declare  that  they  have  caught  many  rats  in  their 
traps  and  others  that  they  have  snared  many  wild  fowls,  in  proof 
of  their  purpose  to  protect  the  growing  grain.  Others  dance  and 
shout,  while  some  beat  gongs  or  blow  bamboo  pipes. 

The  hog  is  then  carried  to  the  village  to  be  cooked.  Each  man 
also  provides  a fowl.  When  all  the  food  has  been  prepared,  it  is 
brought  back  to  the  booth ; and,  after  a prayer  much  like  that 
quoted  above,  they  set  out  the  food  but  eat  none  of  it.  On  their 
way  back  to  the  village  they  dance  and  sing  and  spend  the  night 
in  revelry.  Next  morning  they  return  to  the  booth,  and  the  priests 
begin  to  eat  of  the  food  left  there,  all  being  allowed  to  partake; 
but  any  one  who  considers  himself  unholy  must  not  eat,  for  the 
food  is  sacred.  Not  only  persons  guilty  of  immoral  conduct,  but 
also  men  whose  wives  are  pregnant  are  under  tabu. 

After  the  feast,  when  they  have  again  danced  their  way  back  to 
the  village,  the  chiefs  draw  two  joints  of  water  for  each  family 
and  carry  them  into  the  village.  The  families  are  then  called  out 
on  their  verandas  and  each  family  group,  including  the  women  and 
children,  is  sprinkled  with  water  from  one  of  the  joints  brought  for 
it.  The  other  is  carried  to  the  field  next  morning  by  the  head  of 

^ So  far  as  I have  been  able  to  ascertain,  it  seems  to  have  been  many  years  since  one 
of  these  great  sacrifices  has  been  observed  by  the  Sgaw  Karen  of  Lower  Burma.  I have  been  able 
to  get  no  contemporary  accounts  of  such  a ceremony.  As  to  the  length  of  time  since  the  Bwe 
have  held  such  a sacrifice,  I can  give  no  definite  information. 

® See  p.  247  on  priests  among  the  Bwe. 


238 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


the  family,  and  its  contents  are  sprinkled  on  the  grain.  This  rite 
is  supposed  to  cleanse  the  families  from  evil  and  to  produce  good 
crops.  The  four  priests  officiate  under  special  names,  of  which 
three  signify,  respectively,  lord  of  the  village,  messenger,  and 


Karen  Girls  Pounding  Paddy  in  a Mortar  Out-of-doors 


keeper  of  the  village.  I do  not  know  the  meaning  of  the  fourth  title. 
During  the  ceremony  they  wear  embroidered  tunics,  longer  than 
ordinary  garments.  From  the  people  they  receive  gifts  of  beads 
and  ear  ornaments.  In  some  villages  a bullock  is  substituted  for 
the  hog,  and  in  one  of  the  Mopgha  villages  near  Toungoo  the  in- 
habitants require  a coal-black  bullock,  being  willing  to  pay  a large 
price  in  order  to  obtain  one. 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS  239 


C.  The  Small  Sacrifice  of  the  Sgaw 

Besides  the  great  sacrifice  offered  by  the  Sgaw  to  the  lords 
of  the  land,  they  also  make  a small  sacrifice  (“Ta  Ifi  hpo”)  to  the 
same  powers.  A few  men — the  exact  number  being  determined  by 
divination — build  a little  booth  in  the  jungle  and  clear  three  paths 
leading  from  it.  They  sacrifice  a white  fowl,  letting  some  of  its 
blood  into  a bamboo  joint  containing  liquor.  Some  of  the  blood  is 
smeared  on  the  outside  of  the  joint  and  on  the  posts  of  the  booth, 
and  feathers  from  the  fowl  are  stuck  to  it.  A kind  of  broom  is 
made  by  splitting  a bamboo,  with  which  they  beat  the  booth,  while 
praying : “O  Lords  of  the  land  and  water.  Let  the  sick  member  of 
my  family  change  places  with  this  fowl.  Forgive  his  sins  and 
free  him  from  disease.”  Sometimes  they  address  their  prayer  to 
the  water-witch : “We  are  offering  thee  the  blood  of  this  fowl.  Eat 
this  and  go  thy  way.  Do  not  come  near  us.”  After  cooking  and 
eating  the  fowl,  they  color  a little  cotton  thread  yellow  and  wind  it 
about  their  water-joint.  Having  returned  home,  they  draw  water 
and  sprinkle  some  of  it  on  the  sick  person.  A piece  of  the  colored 
thread  is  then  tied  around  his  waist  so  that  the  demon  may  identify 
him  as  the  one  for  whom  the  offering  was  made.  They  must  not 
permit  any  one  to  accompany  them  on  their  sacrificial  journey  or 
to  converse  with  them. 

II.  Offerings  for  the  Sick 

The  small  sacrifice  described  above  is  one  of  the  offerings  for 
the  sick,  but  because  it  is  made  to  the  lords  of  the  land  rather 
than  to  the  evil  spirits  who  entice  away  and  feed  upon  the  “k’las” 
of  human  beings,  I have  grouped  it  with  the  offerings  to  those 
deities.  Certain  demons  are  malicious  and  require  placating  and  di- 
verting to  keep  them  from  indulging  in  this  practice,  which  results 
in  the  illness  and  perhaps  the  death  of  the  persons  involved.  Div- 
ination may  indicate  that  some  particular  demon,  for  example,  one 
of  the  water-witches  (“Na  hti”)  or  one  of  the  ghosts  of  tyrants  that 
dwell  in  the  jungles  (“T’re  V hka”),  is  engaged  in  this  nefarious 
work.  If  so,  the  rites  peculiar  to  that  demon  must  be  executed  in  an 
effort  to  induce  it  to  leave  the  village  and  follow  the  person  carry- 
ing the  offerings  to  some  lonely  spot  in  the  jungle,  there  to  remain 
and  partake  of  the  aroma  of  the  feast,  much  as  one  would  entice 


240 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


a pig  from  rooting  in  the  garden  to  follow  an  ear  of  corn  back 
to  its  pen.  Having  gone  through  this  performance,  the  carrier 
stealthily  returns,  trying  on  the  way  to  deceive  the  demon  into  be- 
lieving that  he  has  taken  some  other  trail  by  blocking  the  one  he 
has  actually  followed,  and  fondly  thinking  that  he  has  removed  the 
cause  of  the  sickness  of  the  member  of  his  household. 

I am  led  to  believe  that  many  offerings  are  made  in  remote 
districts  that  belong  in  this  group,  although  I have  obtained  no  ac- 
curate account  of  them.  The  recital  in  the  succeeding  paragraphs 
will  suffice,  however,  to  convey  a general  idea  of  the  nature  of  these 
rites,  in  all  of  which,  when  the  ceremony  is  concluded,  the  wrist 
of  the  patient  is  tied  around  with  a string  to  keep  the  “k’la”  from 
getting  away  again.® 

The  offering  made  when  the  “T’re  t’  hka,”  or  ghosts  of  evil 
tyrants  that  inhabit  the  deep  jungles,  wander  into  the  village  and 
attack  the  “k’  la”  of  some  one,  is  called  “Ta  taw  law  ta.”  This  rite 
requires  the  weaving  of  a small  basket,  in  the  bottom  of  which  cot- 
ton is  laid,  and  on  this  four  lumps  of  cooked  rice,  one  colored  black 
with  soot,  another  yellow  with  tumeric,  the  third  red  with  amotta 
berries  (from  the  Bixa  or^ellana),  and  the  fourth  left  white.  A 
chick  is  tied  to  the  basket,  being  made  secure  by  binding  both  its 
wings  and  its  feet.  Finally,  sprigs  of  yellow  and  white  cockscomb 
are  laid  in  the  basket. 

The  basket  thus  fitted  out  is  carried  beyond  at  least  two  ridges 
of  hills  to  a place  from  which  it  is  believed  the  demon  will  not  be 
able  to  find  its  way  back.  There  the  basket  is  set  down  with  its 
contents,  and  the  following  petition  is  offered : “We  are  bringing 

you  red  and  yellow  rice  and  yellow  and  white  flowers,  0 Great  ‘T’re 
t’  hka.’  Go  back  to  your  own  place.  Keep  away  from  us.”  The 
perfoi-mers  of  this  rite  may  sweep  a spot  under  the  basket  and  pick 
up  a clod  of  earth  near  at  hand.  Calling  the  “k’la”  to  follow  them, 
they  leave  the  chick  and  rice  with  the  basket  to  be  the  food  of  the 
ghost  and  return  home.  As  they  go  along  they  break  off  branches, 
which  they  place  in  the  path  to  throw  the  demon  off  their  track, 
should  he  attempt  to  follow  them."  On  arriving  at  the  house,  they 

® It  is  not  uncommon  to  see  a black  line  tatooed  about  a Karen’s  wrist,  the  obvious  pur- 
pose of  which  is  to  serve  as  a permanent  hindrance  against  the  escape  of  his  “k’la,”  thus  pre- 
venting sickness. 

" In  traveling  if  one  who  goes  ahead  wishes  to  warn  those  following  not  to  take  a certain 
path,  one  puts  branches  across  its  entrance.  Thus,  notice  is  given  that  the  path  is  “killed”  and 
not  to  be  taken. 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS  241 


call  out  to  ask  whether  the  patient  has  recovered  or  not,  and,  on 
being  assured  that  he  has,  they  ascend  the  ladder  and  put  a bit  of 
the  clod  in  the  hole  of  his  ear-lobe,  believing  that  they  have  taken 
ample  measures  to  promote  his  recovery. 

In  performing  the  ceremony  called  “Ta  hu  law  pa  law,”  a bun- 
dle containing  a handful  of  chaff,  a piece  of  broken  pot,  and  a few 
chicken  feathers  is  used  to  touch  the  sick  person,  while  “Ta  mii  to 
xa,  Ta  yu  ta  pleh”  are  addressed  as  follows:  “O  Spirits  and  very 
bad  Witches,  we  are  cooling  your  anger  lest  you  look  with  long- 
ing eyes  on  this  person.  Restore  and  heal  him.  Go  back  to  your 
places,  east,  west,  north,  or  south.  Return  to  your  own  abodes.” 
The  bundle  is  then  borne  out  along  a path  indicated  by  the  omens 
and  left  there.  The  person  carrying  it  pretends  to  retire  into  the 
jungle,  but  really  returns  home. 

In  the  rite  known  as  “Ta  taw  the  hka  heh”  the  patient’s  friends 
carry  to  a considerable  distance  a little  basket  containing  a chick 
and  a prepared  betel  quid.  A similar  petition  to  that  given  above  is 
then  uttered,  and  the  chick  is  split  in  halves  and  replaced  in  the 
basket,  which  is  hidden  in  some  hollow  tree  or  rock  crevice.  Again 
a plea  is  made,  the  basket  and  its  contents  are  left  behind,  and  a 
circuitous  route  home  is  followed,  the  bushes  along  the  way  being 
cut  in  order  to  convince  the  demons  by  the  marks  of  the  knife  that 
they  will  be  cut  by  it,  should  they  follow  after. 

The  rite  performed  when  the  water-witches  are  supposed  to 
have  enticed  a “k’la”  away  is  called  “Ta  lu  hti  htu  hti.”  A fowd 
of  one  color  must  be  carried  down  to  the  w^ater,  where  a small  altar 
is  erected  of  two  rows  of  twelve  posts  each,  the  two  row’s  converging 
^ike  the  rafters  of  a roof.  The  fowl  is  killed  and  its  blood  smeared 
on  the  posts,  four  feathers  being  stuck  on  each  of  the  corner  posts. 
The  lords  of  the  w^ater  and  the  lakes,  the  w^ater-witches,  are  then 
besought,  in  case  the  sick  person  has  invaded  their  province  in  any 
way  or  they  have  caused  his  illness,  to  partake  of  the  fowd,  sweet 
liquor,  and  rice  that  are  provided  and  allows  the  “k’la”  to  return 
and  the  person  to  recover.  The  petition  closes  wdth  the  words: 
“Do  not  look  with  longing  eyes  upon  him,  but  eat  your  feast  here.” 
The  sick  man’s  friends  then  cook  and  eat  the  fowl  and  return  home. 

It  appears  that  sometimes  the  water-witches  are  offended  by  a 
person  w^ho  is  in  bathing  and  cause  him  to  become  ill  with  cramps 
or  indigestion.  In  such  a case  rice,  saffron,  and  spices  are  placed 


242 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


upon  the  head  of  the  offender  and  then  taken  to  a rock  at  the  water- 
side. The  witches  are  summoned  by  repeatedly  striking  the  rock 
and  urged  to  enjoy  their  feast  there. 

The  ceremony,  “Ta  di  law  kweh  leh,”  is  performed  with  a 
bundle  containing  a handful  of  chaff,  bits  of  broken  pot,  a piece  of 
bamboo,  some  scrapings  of  gold  and  silver,  and  a fowl.  After  the 
patient  has  been  touched  with  this  bundle,  the  demons  of  “Plii” 
(hades),  the  king  of  hades,  and  the  Gi’eat  Elephant  (“Ta  do  k’  the, 
ta  do  k’ saw”)  are  addressed  as  follows:  “I  am  exchanging  the 
sick  person  for  a big  bird  and  a big  fowl,  for  quantities  of  gold  and 
silver.  Let  his  shade  depart.  If  you  hold  him,  go.”  The  bundle 
is  then  carried  out  along  the  road  and  laid  down,  and  the  fowl  is 
plucked.  The  latter  is  brought  home,  the  bushes  along  the  way  be- 
ing beaten  with  a bamboo  with  split  ends,  while  the  “k’la”  is  sum- 
moned to  follow.  On  arriving  near  the  house,  the  friends  call  to 
those  within  to  see  if  it  has  returned.  On  receiving  a favorable 
reply,  they  enter,  tie  up  the  wrist  of  the  sick  person,  and  cook 
the  fowl.® 

A different  form  of  the  above  ceremony  is  described  by  Thra 
Than  Bya.®  According  to  his  account,  the  friends  carry  only  a fowl 
to  the  place  on  the  road  and  there  place  a dead  leaf  on  a little  mound 
of  earth,  after  which  they  call  the  “k’  la”  to  return.  Then  they  take 
the  fowl  home  and  cook  it,  and,  after  the  sick  one  has  eaten  a morsel, 
the  rest  of  the  family  partake. 

Another  form  of  the  offering  by  the  roadside  is  called  “Ka  law 
ta.”  In  this  instance  a bamboo  post  about  four  feet  long  is  set  up,  the 
upper  end  of  which  is  split  and  the  splints  spread  apart  by  weaving 
in  and  out  a piece  of  bamboo.  Upon  this  a little  mat  of  loosely  woven 
bamboo  is  laid,  on  which  are  placed  three  chicken  feathers,  a few 
pieces  of  egg  shell,  and  a roll  of  cotton  blackened  with  charcoal  at 
three  points.  The  feathers  seem  to  represent  a fowl  and  the  cot- 
ton a pig,  for  the  one  making  the  offering  says,  addressing  the 
demons  in  general : “I  am  giving  you  a pig  and  a fowl.  Do  not  come 
near  me  any  more.  Help  me  and  heal  me.”  This  offering  differs 
from  any  of  the  others  mentioned  in  this  chapter  in  that  it  is  sym- 

® I am  told  that  now,  with  the  waning  of  the  faith  in  these  old  customs,  the  person  who 
has  taken  out  the  offering  occasionally  becomes  angry  if  the  people  in  the  house  do  not  give  a 
favorable  answer  concerning  the  return  of  th  “k’  la”  and  the  improvement  of  the  patient,  and 
refuses  to  repeat  the  ceremony,  as  he  is  supposed  to  do. 

“ Rev.  T.  Than  Bya,  Karen  Customs,  p.  30. 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS  243 


bolic,  and  also  in  the  fact  that  the  patient  performs  the  rite  in  his 
own  behalf. 


III.  Offerings  to  the  “K’la”  Itself 

Sometimes  the  auspices  indicate  that  the  “k’  la”  of  an  ill  person 
has  departed  by  reason  of  fright  or  from  some  other  cause  than  be- 
ing enticed  by  a malicious  demon.  The  place  to  which  it  has  gone 
and  the  method  by  which  it  may  be  won  back  are  also  shown  by  the 
omens.  In  such  cases  the  appeal  and  offerings  are  made  to  the 
“k’  la”  itself. 

In  performing  the  rite  known  as  “Ta  kweh  k’  la  hpa  do”  (the 
great  ceremony  of  calling  the  “k’la”),  two  black  fowls,  namely,  a 
cock  and  a hen,  must  be  killed  by  wringing  their  necks.  Their  in- 
ternal organs  must  be  cleaned  and  replaced  and  the  birds  cooked 
whole.  They  are  then  laid  on  a tray  on  which  are  three  Malay 
apple  leaves,  seven  lumps  of  cold  rice,  and  a cup  of  fragrant  water. 
The  tray  with  its  contents  is  set  at  the  head  of  the  stairs  or  ladder, 
and  a lighted  candle  is  placed  there.  A white  cotton  thread  is  car- 
ried from  the  tray  to  the  foot  of  the  stairs  and  fastened.  The  fra- 
grant water,  after  being  blown  upon  by  the  head  of  the  house,  is 
sprinkled  on  the  family  and  on  the  stairs. “ A lump  of  rice  is  then 
charmed  and  thrown  down  the  stairs,  which  are  beaten  with  a stick, 
and  the  “k’la”  of  the  invalid  is  summoned.  The  call  is:  “Pru-u-u 
k’la,^- — heh  ke,  heh  ke.  (O  Shade,  come  back,  come  back.)'”  If  for 
any  reason  it  is  thought  that  the  shade  has  not  heeded  this  call,  the 
operation  is  repeated  until  the  family  feels  assured  that  it  has  re- 
turned. They  then  immediately  break  the  string  by  means  of  which 
it  has  ascended  the  stairs  and  throw  it  away,  lest  it  should  again 
escape.  With  other  pieces  of  string  they  tie  up  the  wrists  of  the 
sick  person  and  the  other  m.embers  of  the  family,  meanwhile  calling 
the  “k’  la”  to  remain.  The  patient  is  bathed  all  over  with  what  is 
left  of  the  fragrant  water  and  is  then  expected  to  recover. 

The  rite  of  “Ta  kweh  k’  la,”  or  inviting  the  “k’la”  to  return,  is 
performed  in  the  house,  like  the  one  described  above.  The  family 

The  leaves  named  (those  of  the  “thabye”  or  Eugenia  nialaccensis)  are  generally  used 
for  this  purpose,  but  I do  not  know  why. 

When  the  Karen  on  the  plains  perform  these  ceremonies,  in  which  the  wandering  “k’la” 
is  expected  to  return  to  the  house  by  the  ladder,  they  retain  the  old-fashioned  notched  log  that 
has  served  from  time  immemorial  as  the  means  of  entrance  to  the  house,  but  that  is  being 
superseded  in  modern  houses  by  flights  of  stairs.  They  think  the  “k’la”  will  more  easily  return 
by  the  kind  of  stairs  to  which  it  has  been  accustomed. 

“Pru-u-u-”  is  a sort  of  trill  which  the  women  use  in  calling  their  children,  pigs,  or 
fowls,  as  well  as  their  “k’  las.” 


244 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


elder  takes  the  stirring-stick  from  its  hole  in  the  fireplace  post  and 
strikes  the  top  of  the  house  ladder  to  attract  the  attention  of  the 
“k’la,”  which  he  begs  to  return,  saying:  “Pru-u-u  we,  pru-u  k’ la, 
come  back,  whether  you  have  gone  to  the  west,  east,  north,  or  south  ; 
come  back,  whether  you  are  in  the  bush,  jungle,  or  ends  of  the  earth  ; 
come  back  to  your  pleasant  dwelling,  to  your  comfortable  home.  I 
will  prepare  delicious  pork  and  fowl  for  you.  Eat  of  your  rice  and 
drink  of  your  liquor.  Do  not  wander  off  any  more.”  Then  the  ani- 
mal specified  in  the  divination  is  killed — pig,  fowl,  goat,  ox,  or  buf- 
falo— and  if  a fowl,  its  bones  are  examined  for  the  omen,  which  is 
favorable  in  case  the  holes  are  even  in  number.  In  case  one  of  the 
animals  has  been  indicated,  the  performers  of  the  rite  look  for  a 
rounded  gall-bladder.  If  the  auspices  are  unfavorable,  they  must 
repeat  the  whole  operation  until  they  find  the  conditions  satisfac- 
tory. The  animal  is  then  cut  up,  cooked,  and  the  feast  proceeds. 
During  these  cei'emonies  every  member  of  the  family  must  be 
present. 

The  rite,  “Ta  waw  k’la”  (driving  back  the  “k’la”),  has  some 
features  not  found  in  the  one  described  in  the  preceding  paragraph 
and  is  performed  in  the  jungle  and  along  the  paths  where  the  ghost 
has  disappeared,  as  revealed  by  the  divination.  The  man  of  the 
house  splits  the  end  of  a bamboo  pole  into  four  splints  and  spreads 
them  inio  a crude  broom,  which  he  takes  to  the  place  where  the 
“k’la”  became  lost.  With  a prayer  similar  to  that  quoted  above  he 
calls  the  wandering  “k’la”  and  beats  the  bushes  all  the  way  home. 
Before  entering,  he  asks  the  usual  question  about  the  return  of  the 
ghost  and  receives  the  usual  answer.  Mounting  to  the  house,  he 
beats  the  top  of  the  ladder  with  the  stirring-stick,  repeating  the 
invitation  to  the  “k’la”  to  return  and  then  beats  the  posts  of  the 
fireplace,  asking  repeatedly  if  it  has  come  back  and  getting  the 
same  reply.  Finally,  the  animal  or  fowl  is  killed  and  the  omen  de- 
clared. In  case  it  is  favorable,  the  feast  proceeds. 

The  rite  for  the  return  of  a “k’la”  thought  to  have  been 
driven  off  by  the  wind  is  called  “Ta  yaw  ke  a k’la.”  A bracelet 
■ • suspended  by  a string  from  the  tip  of  a slender  bamboo  over  a 
cup  containing  a little  sticky  rice  and  a hard-boiled  egg.  The  elder 
strikes  the  cup  with  the  stirring-stick  and  begs  the  “k’la”  to  come 
back  out  of  the  winds,  the  storm,  the  firmament,  from  near  the  stars 
or  the  moon,  and  eat  the  egg.  The  string  supporting  the  bracelet  is 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AXD  HEALING  OFFERINGS  245 


usually  poorly  spun,  and  the  suspended  object  twists  back  and  forth 
until  finally  the  string  parts,  and  the  ornament  drops  into  the  cup. 
A person  standing  near  claps  a cloth  over  the  receptacle  to  con- 
fine the  “k’la.”  If  an  air-space  is  found  at  the  end  of  the  egg, 
it  is  a sign  that  the  shade  has  returned ; if  not,  the  experiment  must 
be  repeated.^® 

The  ceremony,  “Ta  hpi  htaw  ke  a k’la,”  is  in  order  when  a per- 
son’s sickness  is  attributed  to  the  detention  of  his  ‘‘k’la”  under  the 
water  or  in  a swampy  place.  The  auspices  having  shown  the 
necessity  for  this  rite  and  the  kind  of  creature  to  be  sacrificed,  the 
performers  of  the  rite  throw  up  a little  mound  at  the  foot  of  the  lad- 
der with  a sharp  bamboo  stick  or  other  implement,  and  set  upon  it  in 
order  bundles  of  glutinous  rice  and  jars  or  bamboo  joints  of  liquor. 
The  victim,  say  a fowl,  is  plucked,  and,  after  the  shade  has 
been  attracted  by  making  a noise,  it  is  addressed  as  the  great 
“k’la”  : “If  you  have  been  drowned  in  the  water  or  are  anywhere  un- 
der the  mud  or  the  ground ; if  you  have  been  led  astray  in  the  water 
or  the  mire,”  says  the  leader,  “I  beg  you  to  come  back  to  your  pleas- 
ant dwelling,  to  your  comfortable  home.  Come  eat  delicious  pork 
and  toothsome  chicken.  Come  and  partake  of  sweet  liquor  and 
white  rice.”  The  victim  is  struck  on  the  head  with  the  stirring- 
stick,  killed,  and  the  omens  examined.  If  these  prove  to  be  favor- 
able, the  fowl  is  cooked  and  the  feast  is  held.  As  is  usual  in  such 
ceremonies  when  the  shade  is  believed  to  have  returned,  the  wrist 
of  the  patient  is  tied  with  string  to  prevent  its  wandering  again.  A 
piece  of  the  string,  together  with  a morsel  of  the  rice  and  meat,  is 
placed  on  the  fontanel  (“hko  hti”)  of  the  patient,  which  is  con- 
sidered the  seat  of  the  “k’  la.” 

Prophets  and  Elders 

The  propitiatory  sacrifices  discussed  in  the  first  section  of  this 
chapter  are  evidently  tribal  functions  and  are,  therefore,  inaugurat- 
ed by  the  chiefs.  Fonnerly  men  called  “wi,”  especially  designated 
as  prophets,  were  consulted  to  interpret  the  auspices.  On  occasion 
they  went  into  trances  in  order  to  reveal  secrets.  Their  office  in 
most  of  the  Karen  tribes  was  for  life  or  while  they  maintained  a 
good  character,  and  it  involved  a knowledge  of  the  ancient  poetry  of 

See  p.  207  of  Chapter  XX  (Funeral  Customs)  for  a similar  method  of  determining  the 
presence  of  the  “k*  la”  of  the  dead. 


246 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Photo  by  Dr.  Bunker 

A Bwe  Karen  Prophet 


A Hut  Erec'ted  in  a Forest  Clearing  by  a Self-styled  Prophet  as  the 
Center  of  a New  Karen  Reugious  Cult  of  Short  Duration 


PROPITIATORY  SACRIFICES  AND  HEALING  OFFERINGS  247 


the  folk  by  which  the  traditions  and  customs  were  handed  down 
from  generation  to  generation.  Among  the  Bwe,  who  seem  to  have 
esteemed  priests  more  than  the  other  tribes,  there  were  four  of 
these  prophets  who  presided  over  the  great  sacrifice,  the  eldest  be- 
ing regarded  as  high  priest.  When  one  of  them  died,  the  elders 
assembled  and  chose  which  of  his  sons  should  inherit  the  office. 
Then,  earrings,  a headband,  richly  ornamented  clothing,  and  a silver- 
mounted  sword  were  secretly  prepared  for  the  ceremony  of  in- 
stallation. A delegation  of  the  elders  took  these  gifts  to  the  house 
of  the  chosen  one,  an  elder  going  ahead  to  ascertain  that  he  was 
at  home.  The  party,  being  assured  of  his  presence,  surrounded  the 
house  to  prevent  his  escape,  which  he  must  feign  attempt.  The 
presents  were  then  cast  before  him.  If  he  really  desired  to  escape, 
he  must  do  so  before  the  house  was  surrounded. 

In  case  the  elders  did  not  find  the  chosen  successor  at  home, 
they  laid  in  wait  for  him  either  by  the  path  approaching  the  house 
or  within  the  house  itself.  Sometimes  an  elder  climbed  up  under  the 
roof,  hid  himself  until  the  man  returned,  and  then  dropped  the 
gifts  at  his  feet.  The  appurtenances  of  the  priestly  office,  having 
been  presented,  could  not  be  refused. In  some  instances  a “wi” 
was  also  a chief,  serving  thus  as  a leader  in  the  tribe  and  in  its 
magic.  In  any  case  he  was  a most  important  personage  and  was 
held  in  awe  by  the  people.^®  Only  a few  of  these  men  now  remain. 

The  healing  offerings  dealt  with  in  the  second  and  third  sec- 
tions of  this  chapter  fall  generally  within  the  province  of  the  vil- 
lage elders,  or  are  often  performed  by  the  members  of  the  family 
of  the  sick  person,  for  almost  everybody  knows  more  or  less  how  to 
make  the  offerings,  though  this  is  not  so  true  at  the  present  time 
as  it  was  a generation  ago. 


Bunker,  Soo  Tha,  pp.  66,  ff. 

For  the  “wi’s”  connection  with  magic,  see  p.  275. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA” 

The  Ceremonial  of  the  Feasts 

“Mil  xa  do”  (the  great  “Mil  xa”  or  king  of  the  “Mii  xa”)  is  the 
demon  most  intimately  connected  with  the  affairs  of  men.  He  may 
serve  as  their  guardian  and  protector  if  properly  propitiated  with 
offerings ; but  he  is  more  often  feared  as  the  author  of  all  kinds  of 
evil.  Some  Karens,  especially  in  Shwegyin,  regard  him  as  a house- 
hold deity  to  whom  the  family  offer  their  sacrifices  called  “ta  aw 
Bgha”  (to  eat  the  “Bgha”).  He  is  addressed  as  “Thi  Hko  Mii  Xa,” 
and  is  evidently  regarded  as  the  lord  of  demons.^  In  most  parts  of 
the  Sgaw  Karen  country,  however,  the  “Bgha”  is  mentioned  as  being 
distinct  from  “Mii  xa  do”  and,  in  a special  way,  as  the  tutelary  god 
of  the  family  by  whom  it  is  reverenced  and  feared.  It  is  supposed 
to  subsist  upon  the  “k’las”  or  shades  of  the  members  of  the 
family,  if  it  is  not  provided  generously  with  pork  and  chicken ; 
and  even  then  the  family’s  immunity  may  not  be  assured. 
In  their  prayers  and  offerings  the  people  sometimes  associate  the 
“T’reh  t’  hka”  with  the  “Bgha,”  the  former  having,  as  I understand 
it,  no  connection  with  the  family.  Perhaps  this  is  a precaution 
taken  in  the  hope  of  appeasing  whichever  spirit  may  be  responsible 
for  the  misfortune  they  are  trying  to  alleviate. 

A veneration  of  ancestors  is  manifest  all  through  the  family 
ceremonies  treated  in  this  chapter.  The  ancestors  are  thought  of 
as  taking  an  interest,  although  not  always  a friendly  one,  in  the 
affairs  of  living  men.  The  Karen  do  not,  however,  indulge  in  an- 
cestor worship  to  the  extent  that  the  Chinese  practice  it. 

The  family  “Bghas”  are  said  to  be  eternal.  As  new  unions  take 
place  and  households  are  set  up  generation  by  generation,  each  fam- 
ily finds  itself  provided  with  a “Bgha”  of  its  own.  But  what  the 
relation  of  the  new  crop  of  “Bghas”  is  to  that  of  the  preceding 
generation,  no  one  is  able  to  explain. 

The  grandmother  or  the  eldest  female  in  the  direct  line  of  the 
family  presides  as  the  high  priestess  at  the  “Bgha”  feast  of  the 

^ Dr.  Wade  in  The  Karen  Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I.,  p.  469. 


248 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA 


249 


whole  family.  She  is  the  “Bgha  a’  hko.”  This  custom  seems  to 
hark  back  to  the  matriarchal  stage  of  development  among  the  Karen, 
as  also  does  the  fact  that  the  groom  goes  to  live  with  the  bride’s 
family.  Why  a woman  should  hold  the  place  of  honor  at  the  “Bgha” 
feast  has  been  “explained”  to  me  in  two  ways,  namely,  (1)  that  a 
female  was  the  first  person  to  fall  under  the  influence  of  “Mii  kaw 
li”  (Satan)  in  the  orchard,  and  (2)  that  as  the  woman  is  the  more 
susceptible  to  sickness,  she  properly  has  more  to  do  with  the  offer- 
ings and  should  take  the  leading  part  in  making  them.  The  Karen 
maintain  that  the  elders  are  responsible  for  these  explanations  and 
that  the  ceremonial  of  the  “Bgha”  feast  has  come  down  from  time 
immemorial. 

There  are  three  kinds  of  “Bgha”  feasts.  The  most  familiar 
kind  is  that  observed  by  the  members  of  the  immediate  family  when 
one  of  their  number  has  fallen  sick,  in  case  divination  shows  that 
his  illness  is  due  to  his  having  offended  the  “Bgha.”  In  such  a case 
the  family  must  at  once  join  in  a feast.  The  second  kind  of 
feast  is  that  observed  as  a preventive  of  possible  sickness  and 
as  a means  of  keeping  on  good  terms  with  the  “Bgha.”  This  is 
known  as  “ta  aw  bwaw  a’  tha”  (eating  to  strengthen  one’s  heart). 
The  third  kind  of  feast  is  that  participated  in  by  all  the  kindred, 
when  the  most  elaborate  rites  are  celebrated.  Such  a feast  is  called 
“ta  aw  saw  ke  saw  na.”  While  there  is  a general  resemblance  among 
the  feasts  held  all  over  the  Karen  country,  the  various  tribes  and 
even  parts  of  the  same  tribe  differ  in  the  details  of  their  observances. 

In  the  case  of  an  illness  found  by  divination  to  be  due  to  the 
“Bgha,”  the  ceremonial  of  the  feast  among  the  Sgaw  Karen  of  the 
Tharrawaddy  district  and  in  the  Pegu  Hills,  is  as  follows:  After 
a pot  of  rice  has  been  set  on  the  fire  to  boil,  a fowl  is  caught  and 
killed,  and  its  feathers  are  burned  off  in  the  fireplace.  It  is  then 
cut  up  and  cooked  with  salt  and  a chili  and  placed  on  the  table  or 
family  tray.  The  father,  mother,  and  children  in  the  order  of 
their  ages  severally  parTake  of  a morsel,  after  which  they  eat  their 
meal  together.  If  the  parents  of  the  father  and  mother  are  living, 
the  feast  is  held  in  the  morning ; but  if  they  are  dead,  it  is  held  in  the 
afternoon.  On  the  following  morning  a pig  is  caught,  bi'ought  into 
the  house,  and  its  legs  are  tied  together.  It  is  then  killed  by 
strangulation  or  by  wrenching  the  neck,  care  being  taken  not  to 
break  any  of  its  bones  or  bruise  its  skin  lest  some  of  its  blood  should 
be  spilled.  The  body  of  the  pig  is  then  run  through  lengthwise  on 


250 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


a spit,  its  bristles  are  burned  off,  and  it  is  then  carried  into  the 
house  and  laid  at  the  head  of  the  sleeping-mats.  The  father  and 
other  members  of  the  family  touch  the  side  of  the  animal  with  the 
tips  of  their  fingers.  In  Shwegyin  and  Siam  this  rite  is  still  ob- 
served, but  in  many  other  localities  it  has  been  discontinued.  The 
pig  is  now  ready  to  be  cut  up  and  cooked,  after  which  the  members 
of  the  family  each  taste  of  the  meat  in  turn,  avoiding  eating  any- 
thing from  the  hind-quarters  that  day  and  from  the  fore-quarters 
the  next,  in  case  their  grandparents  are  living.  If,  however,  their 
grandparents  are  dead,  they  may  eat  from  any  part  of  the  animal. 
After  having  thus  each  taken  a morsel,  they  complete  their  meal. 
If  any  is  left  after  the  feast,  it  is  not  uncommon  nowadays  for  the 
family  to  invite  in  some  of  their  neighbors  to  finish  the  remainder. 
This  is  contrary  to  the  old  practice  among  the  Karen. 

In  the  remoter  regions,  where  the  complete  ceremonial  is  still 
observed,  its  main  features  differ  but  little  from  those  described 
above,  but  the  details  are  much  more  fully  observed,  and  I will, 
therefore,  describe  the  ceremonial  as  it  is  carried  out  in  those  areas. 
The  rice  having  first  been  cooked,  the  water  from  it  must  be  poured 
into  the  fireplace  and  the  pot  set  down  in  the  wet  ashes,  while 
the  chicken  is  caught  by  the  wife  who  brings  the  fowl  into  the 
house  and  hands  it  to  her  husband.  He  holds  it  under  his  arm, 
strokes  its  beak  toward  the  point,  and  says:  “Take  away  sickness. 
Remove  weariness  and  swellings.  Give  me  life  and  health  for  a 
hundred  years.”  Then  the  wife  and  each  child  in  turn  stroke  the 
chicken’s  beak,  while  the  father  repeats  the  same  prayer  for  each 
one.  He  next  wrings  the  fowl’s  neck,  scalds  the  bird  in  a jar  of 
water,  plucks  its  feathers  and  carefully  puts  them  in  a receptacle  by 
the  fire,  and  removes  the  intestines  and  places  them  with  the  feath- 
ers. The  flesh  is  cut  up,  cooked,  and  served,  each  member  of  the 
family  taking  a morsel.  The  father  now  places  a small  quantity  of 
the  rice  and  chicken  on  a tray  and  summons  “the  great  ancestors  of 
old”  to  partake.  Meantime,  the  family  eat  the  feast,  after  which 
the  father  throws  away  the  offering.  The  pig  is  eaten  on  the  follow- 
ing day,  but  in  Siam  two  days  are  allowed  to  elapse  before  this  part 
of  the  feast  is  celebrated.  In  preparation  for  this  event  the  father 
goes  into  the  jungle  after  an  early  breakfast,  taking  with  him  one 
of  his  children  or,  if  he  has  no  child,  calling  some  other  boy  to  ac- 
company him.  He  carries  a small  basket  and  his  “xeh”  or  sickle. 
He  returns  with  two  pieces  of  bamboo,  each  two  full  joints  in 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA’ 


251 


length,  some  plantain  leaves,  and  a pole  long  enough  to  serv^e  as 
a spit  for  the  pig.  He  cuts  one  of  the  bamboo  pieces  into  two  sec- 
tions in  which  to  cook  the  rice  and  curry,  and  splits  the  other  bam- 
boo into  withes.  After  the  rice  has  been  cooked,  the  mother  mixes 
a little  of  it  with  chaff,  puts  some  of  it  in  a small  pot  and  a lump 
of  it  on  top  of  the  pot,  besides  sprinkling  water  on  the  fireplace. 


A Sgaw  Karen  Grandmother 


Later  the  lump  of  chaff  and  rice  is  used  as  a bait  in  catching  the 
pig  that  is  to  become  the  offering.  Two  withes  of  the  outside  and 
two  of  the  inside  of  the  bamboo  are  used  in  tying  the  feet  of  the 
animal,  and  one  more  of  each  kind  to  bind  the  feet  together. 
Other  withes  are  wound  around  the  snout,  one  tuim  being  passed 
through  the  mouth,  which  is  thus  closed  securely.  The  pig  is  now 
carried  into  the  house  and  laid  on  plantain  leaves  spread  on  the 
floor,  a winnowing-tray  being  placed  in  front  of  it  along  with  the 


252 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


pot  of  rice  and  chaff  and  a small  bamboo  cup  (“maw”).  Three 
times  in  succession  the  father  touches  first  the  pig  and  then  the  pot 
with  the  tips  of  his  fingers,  while  addressing  the  “Bgha”  as  follows: 
“Avert  all  sickness  from  me.  Let  me  be  well  and  live  a long  life.  I 
am  feeding  you  with  pork.  Therefore,  help  me.”  The  same  petition 
is  uttered  as  the  other  members  of  the  family  touch  the  pig  in  their 
turn.  The  father  then  strikes  the  animal  three  times  with  his 
“xeh”  and  stabs  it  thrice  with  a knife,  but  not  to  a greater 
depth  than  the  width  of  four  fingers.  The  killing  of  the  pig 
is  completed  by  binding  its  snout  in  a wet  cloth  to  smother  it  and  by 
wrenching  its  neck.  The  withes  are  now  removed  from  its  feet,  and 
the  carcass  is  carried  to  another  part  of  the  room  and  washed. 
After  being  laid  again  on  the  plantain  leaves,  an  opening  is  made 
in  its  belly  for  the  purpose  of  examining  the  gall-bladder.  If  this 
organ  is  plump,  the  omen  is  favorable  and  the  feast  may  proceed. 
Otherwise,  another  pig  must  be  sacrificed  on  the  following  day,  and 
if  necessary  another,  until  a gall-bladder  is  found  that  meets  the 
required  conditions. 

A satisfactory  offering  having  been  obtained,  the  intestines  are 
removed  and  the  carcass  is  impaled  lengthwise  on  the  sharpened 
stick  brought  from  the  jungle,  and  the  bristles  are  burned  off  at  a 
new  fireplace  built  for  the  feast  in  the  inner  room  of  the  house. 
After  the  body  is  washed  it  is  butchered : first  the  head  and  stabbed 
shoulder  being  cut  off  in  one  piece,  then  the  hind  leg  on  the  same 
side,  next  the  fore  and  hind  legs  on  the  other  side.  The  carcass  is 
now  opened  down  the  front  and  down  the  middle  of  the  back,  the 
side  that  was  stabbed  being  first  removed  and  prepared.  The  wife 
puts  the  CLirrypot  on  to  boil,  while  her  husband  cuts  up  the  meat, 
including  the  heart,  liver,  and  lungs,  some  of  which  is  dropped  into 
one  of  the  bamboo  joints  over  the  top  of  which  a plantain  leaf  is 
tied.  The  other  bamboo  joint  is  filled  with  rice,  and  both  vessels 
are  set  over  the  fire  and  watched  carefully  to  prevent  burning. 
However,  the  vessels  must  not  be  removed  from  the  fire  before  their 
contents  are  thoroughly  cooked,  else  the  offering  would  be  offensive 
to  the  “Bgha.” 

The  rest  of  the  pork  is  cooked  in  the  currypot,  which  the  wife 
has  set  on  the  fire.  The  wife  must  clean  out  the  intestines,  which 
she  does  outside  the  house.  When  she  brings  them  in,  the  hus- 
band brushes  off  any  ashes  that  may  be  on  the  top  of  the  little 
pot  and  covers  the  mouth  of  it  with  a plantain  leaf.  He  makes 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA 


253 


little  holes  in  the  covering  and  inserts  short  pieces  of  bamboo  down 
into  the  pot  obliquely,  so  as  to  hold  the  cover  on.  He  then  pours 
water  in  through  these  holes.  He  now  makes  a sort  of  standard, 
called  “thi  keh,”  out  of  a strip  of  bamboo.  The  bamboo  is  split 
into  three  strips,  but  not  entirely  separated.  They  are  bound  to- 
gether at  three  points  with  withes,  and  then  the  two  outer  ones  are 
broken  between  the  bindings  but  only  enough  to  make  them  stand 
out  like  arms  akimbo.  The  lower  ends  of  each  of  the  side  strips  are 
bent  out  and  then  brought  back  and  inserted  in  a hole,  or  under 
the  lowest  withe  around  the  stock.  This  is  set  in  the  pot.  What  the 
significance  of  this  is,  neither  my  informant  could  tell  me,  nor  do 
the  reference  books  help  one  to  find  the  meaning  of  it. 

When  the  food  has  been  cooked,  the  husband  empties  the  rice 
on  one  tray  and  the  pork  on  another ; and  the  members  of  the  fam- 
ily— father,  mother,  and  the  children  in  succession  according  to 
their  ages — each  take  a morsel  from  both  trays.  Then  the  father 
takes  a swallow  from  a pot  containing  water  or  liquor,  being  fol- 
lowed by  the  others  in  due  order.  He  also  pours  out  two  cups  of  the 
liquid  for  the  ancestors  of  the  family  and  throws  the  rest  away.  He 
collects  into  a bundle  the  withes  used  in  tying  the  feet  of  the  pig  and 
hangs  it  on  the  end  of  one  of  the  floor  joists  at  the  rear  of  the 
house.  Finally,  he  washes  his  hands  and  returns  to  join  his  family 
in  finishing  the  feast. 

In  case  the  grandparents  are  living,  they  are  summoned  to  the 
“Bgha”  feast  and  arrive  on  the  evening  preceding  the  event.  After 
breakfast  next  morning  the  preparations  are  made  much  the  same 
as  described  above,  but  include  the  providing  of  three  little  bamboo 
cups  (“maw”)  and  the  construction  of  a tiny  model  of  a house 
(“hi  hpo  hkeh”)  about  a foot  long,  which  is  set  in  front  of  the  pig 
and  in  which  the  favorable  gall-bladder  of  the  animal  is  placed, 
together  with  its  heart  and  the  lung  and  kidney  of  the  side  that  has 
been  stabbed.  The  organs  of  the  other  side  and  any  blood  remaining 
in  the  abdominal  cavity  are  placed  on  a tray.  Only  the  flesh  of  the 
stabbed  side  is  used  at  once.  While  it  is  cooking,  the  wife  pounds 
some  rice,  moistened  with  a little  water,  until  it  is  reduced  to  fine 
flour.  Two  of  the  cups  are  filled  with  a mixture  of  this  flour,  chop- 
ped pork,  and  a little  blood,  and  hung  over  the  fire  to  cook.  The  wife 
washes  the  intestines  of  the  animal,  while  her  husband  arranges  the 
“thi  keh”  as  before  and  dishes  out  the  food  for  the  family.  When 
all  is  ready  each  member  of  the  household  partakes  of  a morsel  and 


254 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


sip  of  liquor,  the  grandfather  and  grandmother  coming  after  the 
children.  This  ceremonial  being  completed,  all  eat  together.  In 
the  afternoon  the  intestines  are  cooked  and  eaten.  Next  morning 
the  husband  removes  the  heart,  lung,  and  kidney  from  the  miniature 
house,  cuts  them  up,  and  cooks  them.  These  are  eaten,  the  room  is 
cleaned,  the  little  house  is  thrown  away,  the  grandparents  retum 
home,  and  the  sick  person  for  whom  the  feast  has  been  held  is  sup- 
posed to  recover. 

In  some  places  the  intestines  of  the  pig  and  the  blood-stained 
plantain  leaves  are  put  in  a basket  and  hung  on  a tree  in  the  jungle 
as  an  offering  to  “Thi  Hko  Mu  Xa,”  the  lord  of  the  demons. 

The  second  kind  of  “Bgha”  feast  is  not  preceded  by  divination. 
It  is  held  not  to  cure  sickness  in  the  family,  but  to  prevent  it.  When 
one  of  the  parents  begins  to  worry  lest  illness  may  visit  the  family, 
the  “Bgha”  is  feasted  and  venerated  and  the  hearts  of  the  family 
are  thus  strengthened,  as  they  express  it.  Hence,  this  feast  is  called 
“Ta  aw  bwaw  a’  tha.”  The  ceremonial  does  not  differ  from  that 
described  above. 

The  third  kind  of  feast  is  that  in  honor  of  the  great  “Bgha,” 
in  which  all  the  kindred  by  blood  participate.  It  is,  therefore,  called 
the  feast  of  the  whole  family  (“ta  aw  saw  ke  saw  na”) . The  eldest 
female  of  the  family,  the  grandmother  if  living,  or  if  not  her  eldest 
daughter  or  granddaughter,  presides  as  chief  priestess  or  head  of 
the  “Bgha”  (“Bgha  a’  hko”).  If  the  feast  is  held  annually,  it 
occurs  in  April  or  May ; but  the  priestess  may  fix  a time  at 
her  pleasure  when  she  feels  that  the  “Bgha”  should  be  hon- 
ored and  propitiated.  Those  required  to  attend  this  feast  of  the 
kindred  are  the  full  brothers  and  sisters  of  the  priestess,  her  sons, 
daughters,  and  daughters’  children ; but  her  husband,  brothers-in- 
law,  sisters-in-law,  and  their  sons,  together  with  her  sons-in-law 
and  the  sons  of  her  sons,  are  excluded  and  eat  their  feast  with  their 
own  kindreds. 

The  eligible  members  of  the  family  having  assembled,  the 
grandmother  holds  a pair  of  fowls,  male  and  female,  by  their  heads 
and  says : “O  Lord  of  the  demons,  we  are  offering  to  thee  the  flesh 
of  fowls  and  pigs.  Free  us  from  all  illness.”  After  wringing  the 
necks  of  the  chickens,  she  orders  their  feathers  to  be  burned 
off  preparatory  to  cooking  them  with  salt  and  chili  only.  Rice  is 
also  cooked.  These  viands  ai'e  set  out  and  the  priestess  eats  a 
morsel,  followed  by  her  sons  and  each  of  the  other  relatives  in  the 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA’ 


255 


order  of  their  ages.  They  are  then  ready  to  consume  the  feast  of 
chicken  and  rice.  As  in  the  case  of  the  other  “Bgha”  feasts,  a repast 
of  pork  follows. 

A pig  is  caught  after  dark,  its  feet  are  tied  together,  and  it  is 
carried  up  into  the  house  where  the  whole  family  is  present.  It 
is  laid  on  a plantain  leaf  on  the  floor  in  front  of  a miniature  house 
set  at  the  head  of  the  grandmother’s  sleeping-mat.  Placing  her 
hand  on  the  pig,  she  prays:  “0  Great  Family  Spirit  and  Spirit  of 
the  jungle  (‘Thi  Hko  Mii  Xa,  t’  re  t’  hka’),  we  are  offering  you  the 
flesh  of  fowls  and  of  a swine.  Do  not  harm  us.  When  our  children 
go  out,  if  they  happen  to  come  near  you,  let  them  pass  unmolested.” 
Then  each  member  of  the  family  touches  the  side  of  the  pig  and 
afterwards  the  plantain  leaf.  After  the  animal  has  been  beaten 
with  the  side  of  an  axe  or  back  of  a sickle,  but  not  hard  enough 
to  kill  it  or  break  any  of  its  bones,  it  is  .strangled  by  pouring  water 
down  its  nostrils  while  its  head  is  wrenched  to  one  side.  The  abdo- 
men is  cut  open  and  the  body  smeared  with  the  blood.  The  gall- 
bladder is  removed,  and,  if  it  is  full  and  round,  the  other  internal 
organs  are  taken  out.  If  the  gall-bladder  is  flabby,  they  must  re- 
peat the  sacrifice  on  succeeding  days  until  they  find  a pig  that  affords 
the  favorable  omen.  They  are  then  ready  to  transfix  the  carcass 
with  a spit,  burn  off  the  bristles  at  the  special  fireplace  in  the  inner 
room,  cut  the  body  in  twain  lengthwise,  and  hang  the  upper  half 
with  the  head  over  the  miniature  house.  The  lower  half  and 
intestines  are  now’  cooked  with  salt  and  chilis  and  served.  The 
grandmother  takes  her  morsel  and  the  rest  follow’  her  example  in 
turn,  w’hile  she  again  utters  the  prayer  to  the  great  family  spirit, 
after  w’hich  they  all  eat  heartily. 

Next  morning  they  cook  the  head  and  the  portion  that  was 
hung  up  the  day  before,  the  shoulder  of  the  low’er  side  being  the 
last  piece  to  be  cooked.  This  piece  is  carried  into  the  jungle  in  a 
basket,  w’here  another  prayer  to  the  great  “Bgha”  is  repeated.  The 
ceremony  is  concluded  by  bringing  back  the  shoulder,  together  w’ith 
a clod  of  earth,  giving  a bit  of  this  meat  to  each  member  of  the 
family,  and  placing  a little  earth  over  one  of  the  ears  of  each. 
In  some  parts  of  the  hill-country  the  people  place  a pot  of  liquor 
in  front  of  the  tiny  house  and  cook  bamboo  sprouts  wflth  the  pork. 
After  the  cooking,  the  heart,  liver,  and  spleen  are  taken  out  of  the 
vessel  and  sparingly  serv’ed  w’ith  a little  rice  on  three  plantain 
leaves.  The  grandmother  and  the  other  members  of  the  kindred 


256 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Karen  Villagers,  Tharrawaddy  District 
Only  the  old  men  retain  the  Karen  costume.  On  the  plains  practically  all 
Karen  men  dress  as  do  the  Burmans. 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA 


257 


supply  themselves  with  pieces  of  plantain  leaf  and  in  turn  help 
themselves  from  each  of  the  three  leaves  while  praying:  “O  Lord 
of  the  great  spirits,  do  thou,  who  carest  for  us,  prevent  all  sick- 
ness and  sorrow  from  approaching  us.  May  we  be  protected  from 
injury  by  sharp  sticks  of  bamboo  and  wood,  by  the  arrows  and 
spears  of  our  enemies,  and  from  all  evil  that  may  befall  us.  Wilt 
thou  be  our  shield  and  defense.”  Through  a small  bamboo  tube  the 
grandmother-priestess  drinks  a little  liquor  from  the  pot,  as  do  her 
relatives  in  their  turn.  She  then  points  a newly  sprouted  plantain 
leaf  at  the  skull  of  the  pig,  which  has  been  hung  up  over  her  mat, 
and  repeats  the  last  prayer.  Then  all  drink  a little  more  of  the 
liquor  and  are  ready  to  follow  the  example  of  the  priestess  in  par- 
taking of  the  feast. 

The  earthen  pot,  in  which  the  pork  has  been  cooked,  is  intended 
to  remind  the  kindred  that  they  are  children  of  the  earth ; while  the 
bamboo  joints,  in  which  some  of  the  offerings  have  been  prepared, 
serve  to  keep  before  their  minds  the  temporary  character  of  their 
bamboo  houses  and  utensils. 

Customs  Incidental  to  the  “Bgha”  Feasts 

Certain  customs  and  tabus  incidental  to  the  “Bgha”  feasts 
should  be  noted.  Unless  all  the  members  of  the  family  are  present 
at  such  a ceremony,  except  those  excluded  from  the  feast,  the 
offerings  are  thought  to  be  objectionable  to  the  “Bgha.”  If  a 
person  absents  himself  from  a feast  that  is  being  held  to  promote 
the  recovery  of  a sick  relative,  he  is  suspected  of  desiring  the  con- 
tinued illness  or  the  death  of  the  sick  one.  Or  his  absence  may  be 
interpreted  as  an  effort  to  bring  calamity  upon  some  member  of 
the  family.  Such  charges  are  made  against  the  member  of  a 
family  who  becomes  a Christian  and  remains  away  from  the 
ceremony.  The  others  allege  that  he  no  longer  retains  his  affec- 
tion for  his  kindred  and  is  willing  to  bring  illness  and  disaster  upon 
them  by  his  absence,  which  angers  the  “Bgha.” 

While  the  feasts  are  in  progress,  no  stranger  is  permitted  to 
enter  the  family-room.  When  I first  traveled  in  the  hills,  I noticed 
that  as  I passed  through  the  corridor  of  a village-house  some  mem- 
ber of  a family  stood  in  the  doorway  of  one  or  another  of  the 
family-rooms  to  prevent  my  entering.  This  seemed  strange,  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  I was  usually  received  with  cordial  hospitality.  On 
inquiry  I found  that  the  guarding  of  the  door  was  to  keep  me  from 


258 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


unwittingly  rendering  their  offerings  futile.  The  advantage  of  the 
village  guest-room  then  became  clear  to  me.  There  I and  other 
strangers  could  be  entertained,  and  there  the  men  who  were  ineligi- 
ble to  attend  the  feast  of  the  family  they  had  married  into  could 
congregate  and  visit,  while  their  relatives  were  participating  in  the 
“Bgha”  ceremony. 

The  idea  of  sacrifice  is  undoubtedly  at  the  root  of  the  “Bgha” 
feasts.  According  to  the  explanation  of  an  old  Karen  woman,  when 
one  has  offended  the  family  spirit  or,  as  the  people  say,  has  “hit  the 
‘Bgha’”  (“pgha  ba  Bgha”),  one  has  fallen  on  the  worst  possible 
fate;  for  the  demon  will  seek  to  devour  the  life  principle  (“k’  la”) 
of  the  unfortunate  one,  unless  propitiated  by  offerings  of 
chicken  and  pork.  The  “Bgha”  is  supposed  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  “k’  la”  of  these  sacrifices,  which  constitute  the  best 
eating  within  the  knowledge  of  the  Karen  people.  Even  those  who 
no  longer  fear  their  “Bgha”  will  call  in  the  members  of  their  family 
and  make  a feast,  principally  on  account  of  their  own  enjoyment  of 
it.  In  such  cases  they  add  the  spices  for  a curry,  instead  of  cooking 
the  meat  with  only  salt  and  chili.  The  Karen,  especially  those  of 
Shwegyin,  declare  that  fornication,  adultery,  and  incest  anger  the 
family  spirits  more  than  any  other  offenses.  Such  acts  of  immo- 
rality incite  the  “Bgha”  to  curse  the  soil,  blight  the  crops,  and  send 
epidemics  among  the  people.  Once  aroused,  a “Bgha”  will  assume 
the  form  of  a tiger  or  snake  and  wait  for  its  victims,  in  order 
to  destroy  the  “k’las”  of  the  offenders  and  other  inhabitants  of  their 
village.  In  case  of  a poor  season  and  bad  crops  the  elders  become 
suspicious  and  sometimes  succeed  in  scaring  young  persons  into 
a confession  of  their  secret  sins.  Unusual  offerings  are  required  to 
appease  the  offended  demon,  these  being — according  to  one  list  in 
my  possession — first,  a buffalo,  next,  an  ox,  and  finally,  a chicken  and 
a pig.  All  the  family  must  unite  in  an  earnest  prayer  that  these 
offerings  may  prove  acceptable  to  the  “Bgha”  and  avert  any  further 
calamities  from  them.  The  great  fear  of  blighted  crops,  and  of 
other  evils  not  less  feared  because  unknown,  tends  to  keep  the 
Karen  a chaste  people,  which  they  certainly  are  for  the  most  pai*t.^ 

The  traditional  explanation  of  the  use  of  the  chicken  bones  and 
the  pig’s  gall-bladder  in  divination,  and  of  pork  and  fowls  in  the 
family  feasts,  is  that  the  chickens  and  pigs  ate  most  of  the  frag- 
ments of  the  God-given  book  which  the  white  brother  delivered  to 


= See  pp.  30,  139,  142,  148,  192,  225,  288. 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA 


259 


the  Karen  back  in  the  mythological  age,  and  which  the  latter  care- 
lessly burned  when  he  set  fire  to  the  brush  that  he  had  cut  from  his 
field.  What  offerings  more  acceptable  to  the  “Bgha”  could  be  made 
than  the  creatures  that  had  absorbed  the  wisdom  of  the  divine 
book?  ^ That  the  pig  is  regarded  as  a vicarious  sacrifice  is  shown 
by  the  rite  in  which  the  members  of  the  family  touch  the  side  of  the 
animal,  while  the  “Lord  of  the  spirits”  is  asked  to  protect  them  from 
sickness  and  sorrow.  However,  the  Karen  do  not  charge  the  pig 
with  a message  to  the  great  spirit,  as  do  the  Kenyah  and  Kayan 
tribes  of  Borneo;*  nor  do  they  put  their  sins  on  the  pig,  as  did  the 
ancient  Hebrews  on  the  head  of  the  sacrificial  bullock  or  on  the 
scapegoat."’  In  Toungoo  the  dog  is  substituted  for  the  pig  in  the 
family  rites,  the  tradition  there  being  that  it  ate  some  of  the  frag- 
ments of  the  book  of  wisdom.  The  Rev.  E.  W.  Blythe  is  authority 
for  the  statement  that  the  cat  is  also  offered  to  the  “Bgha”  in  Toun- 
goo.® The  Bwe  and  Red  Karen  tribes,  among  whom  the  ox,  buffalo, 
and  goat  are  the  common  domestic  animals,  use  one  or  another  of 
these  creatures,  according  to  the  manifestations  obtained  through 
divination."  I am  told  that  in  Shwegyin  there  are  some  localities 
where  the  people  do  not  sacrifice  animals  of  any  kind,  but  make 
offerings  of  flowers  only. 

The  leaves  used  in  the  feasts  must  be  those  of  the  wild  plantain 
(“ya”),  which  is  found  everywhere  in  the  jungle  throughout  Bur- 
ma ; for  the  tradition  is  that  it  was  this  variety  of  plantain  which 
“Htaw  Meh  Pa,”  the  mythical  ancestor  of  the  Karen  race,  cut  off  in 
blazing  the  trail  for  his  people  to  follow  on  the  way  to  a more  fruit- 
ful land.® 

The  miniature  house  (“hi  hpo  kheh”)  is  intended  as  a resting- 
place  for  the  “Bgha,”  when  it  comes  to  enjoy  the  feast  provided  for 
it.  This  tiny  structure  is  set  in  the  inner  room  where  the  pig  is 
killed,  the  sacrificial  fireplace  built,  and  the  feast  held.  This  fire- 
place is  a sacred  family  altar  apart  from  the  place  where  the  cook- 
ing is  carried  on  daily.  The  inner  room  affords  greater  privacy 
to  the  family  during  the  feasts.  The  Pwo  Karen  have  special  trays 
and  dishes  for  their  feasts,  which  are  kept  sacredly  for  this  purpose. 

3 Colonel  A.  R.  MacMahon,  The  Karens  of  the  Gold  Chersonese^  pp.  140,  ff.  For  the 
story  of  the  Lost  Book  see  p.  333. 

^ Hose  and  MacDougall,  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  pp.  60,  ff. 

® Leviticus,  16  :21-23. 

^ Rev.  E.  W.  Blythe  in  The  Rangoon  Diocesan  Quarterly,  1917,  p.  9. 

~ E.  O’Riley  in  Journal,  Indian  Archipelago,  1859,  p.  16. 

^ See  ante,  p.  5. 


260 


FEASTS  TO  THE  “BGHA” 


I remember  being  asked  by  a family,  who  had  become  Christians 
and  were  discarding  the  old  ways,  to  destroy  these  utensils  for  them. 
They  had  not  yet  freed  themselves  of  their  fears  sufficiently  to  per- 
form an  act  that  seemed  to  them  like  desecration. 

Families  who  are  about  to  adopt  Burmese  customs  or  to  accept 
Christianity,  generally  dispose  of  all  their  pigs  and  fowls,  with  the 


Utensils  fob  the  Sacred  "Bgha”  Feast  of  a Pwo  Karen  Family,  Bassein 

District. 


exception  of  two  or  three  of  the  latter  and  one  of  the  former.  When 
the  time  for  a feast  arrives,  they  make  the  usual  preparations ; but 
before  the  pig  is  killed,  one  of  the  elders  will  put  his  hand  on  its 
side  and  inform  the  “Mu  xa”  that  the  family  are  about  to  make 
their  last  offering  and  beg  the  demons  to  dismiss  them  and  allow 
them  to  go  in  peace.  This  rite  is  called  “Ta  aw  k’  tew  kwi  Bgha” 
literally,  “eating  to  finish  the  ‘Bgha’.”  The  statement  that  this  is 
the  final  offering  is  repeated  in  every  address  to  the  spirit  uttered 
during  the  cour.se  of  the  feast.  If  the  parents  of  the  head  of  the 
family  are  living,  they  construct  a little  house  and  put  into  it  offer- 


MOUNT  “THAW  THI”— RELIGIOUS  CULTS 


261 


ings  of  rice  and  meat  in  order  to  satisfy  the  appetite  of  the  “Bgha.” 
Families  who  thus  terminate  their  relations  with  their  special 
divinities,  observe  the  tabu  of  not  keeping  pigs  and  fowls  again  for 
a period  of  three  years.  Not  all  families  who  become  Christians 
observe  this  rite,  for  many  times  they  make  the  transition  by  simply 
forsaking  the  “Bgha”  once  for  all. 


CHAPTER  XXV 


MOUNT  “THAW  THL”  RELIGIOUS  CULTS 
The  Sacred  Mount 

In  Karen  lore  mention  is  often  made  of  the  sacred  mountain, 
“Thaw  Thi,”  which  was  early  thought  to  be  identical  with  the  fabu- 
lous sacred  mountain  of  the  Buddhists,  “Myenmo  Taung.”  When, 
however.  Dr.  Mason  went  to  Toungoo,  he  found  that  “Thaw  Thi” 
was  the  dominating  peak  of  the  range  of  hills  separating  the  valley 
of  the  Sittang  from  that  of  the  Salween — a peak  evidently  held  in 
reverence  by  the  Burmese  who  call  it  “Nattaung,”  that  is,  the 
mountain  of  the  “nats”  or  demons.  Of  this  range  “Thaw  Thi”  is 
the  most  impressive  peak,  although  it  is  a thousand  feet  lower  than 
Mount  “Pghaw  Ghaw”  four  miles  to  the  north,  which  rises  to  a 
height  of  8,607  feet  above  sea-level  and  from  which  a wonderful 
view  may  be  had  over  the  surrounding  hills.  Of  these  two  peaks 
“Thaw  Thi”  is  thought  to  be  the  wife  and  the  more  important.  Its 
summit  is  a wide  clear  space  which,  the  people  believe,  is  swept 
clean  every  morning  by  the  goddess  “Ta  La,”  who  has  her  abode 
there. ^ 

Several  traditions  concerning  the  mountain  suggest  that  it  may 
have  been  a place  of  veneration  of  the  people  in  its  neighbor- 
hood. One  story  connects  Mount  “Thaw  Thi”  with  the  flood 
that  submerged  the  world,  except  the  ridge  along  the  top  “as  much 
as  a comb.”  - When  the  flood  receded,  the  peacock  pheasant  (“pgho 
ghaw”)  alighted  on  the  summit  now  bearing  its  name.  Another 
legend  represents  “Thaw  Thi”  as  being  considered  the  highest  moun- 
tain in  the  world,  whose  sides  abound  with  all  kinds  of  game,  these 
creatures  being  constrained  to  render  homage  to  this  kingly  moun- 
tain. Hence,  all  the  beasts  and  the  birds  of  the  air,  including  the 
tiger,  bear,  crocodile,  wild  dog,  dragon,  vulture,  and  adjutant,  as- 
cend in  procession  to  do  reverence. 

1 See  p 289. 

- Dr.  Mason,  who  is  quoted  in  MacMahon’s  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese,  242,  fT., 
is  authority  for  this  interpretation.  A similar  meaning  was  given  me  in  Toungoo,  but  the 
spelling  of  the  name  of  the  bird  and  of  the  word  meaning  “as  much  as”  differs  a little  from 
that  commonly  employed.  These  differences  are  probably  due  to  local  usage. 


262 


MOUNT  “THAW  THI 


263 


Mount  “Thaw  Thi”  also  figures  in  some  of  the  ancient  folk-tales 
of  the  people.  For  example,  one  version  of  the  story  of  the  patri- 
arch “Htaw  Meh  Pa”  locates  his  home  there.  The  den  of  the  White 
Python  is  still  pointed  out  on  one  side  of  the  mount.  It  was  to  this 
den,  according  to  the  tale  of  “Ku  Law  Lay”  and  “Naw  Mti  E,”  that 
the  fabulous  serpent  carried  off  the  latter,  whose  husband  dug  holes 
there  in  trying  to  rescue  her.  These  holes  are  also  still  shown. 

When,  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  evangelists  be- 
gan to  travel  in  the  Toungoo  district  they  discovered  that  the  people 
living  in  the  villages  near  Mount  “Thaw  Thi”  indulged  in  various 
more  or  less  elaborate  rites  on  the  peak.  They  had  leaders  or 
prophets  in  each  village  who  interpreted  the  signs  and  set  the 
time  for  the  annual  pilgrimage  to  the  summit,  where  they  sacrificed 
pigs  and  buffaloes,  made  offerings  of  wood  and  water,  and  built 
cairns  of  stones.  A recent  visitor  to  this  spot  reports  that  the 
cairns  may  still  be  seen,  as  also  the  broken  pieces  of  the  jars  and 
bottles  which  once  held  the  offerings ; but  that  the  paths  are  now 
overgrown,  inasmuch  as  the  former  ceremonies  have  been  long 
discontinued.  Only  a few  old  men  recollect  the  pilgrimages  to 
the  summit  made  in  their  boyhood  days.  Some  of  these  say  that 
the  people  ascended  the  mountain  to  await  there  the  appearance  of 
the  god,  “Y’wa,”  in  order  that  they  might  commune  with  him  f 
while  others  connect  these  rites  with  the  Karen  goddess,  “Ta  La,” 
who  they  say  dwelt  there  and  must  be  propitiated  at  her  own 
shrine.  That  “Y’wa”  was  venerated  on  the  mountain  is  confirmed 
by  the  following  poem,  which  Dr.  Mason  found  in  Tavoy,  more  than 
three  hundred  miles  from  “Thaw  Thi”  itself : 

“ ‘Y’wa’  will  come  and  bring  the  great  ‘Thaw  Thi’. 

We  must  worship,  both  great  and  small, 

The  great  ‘Thaw  Thi’,  created  by  ‘Y’wa’. 

Let  us  ascend  and  worship. 

There  is  a great  mountain  in  the  ford. 

Can  you  ascend  and  worship  ‘Y’wa’? 

There  is  a great  mountain  in  the  way. 

Can  you  go  up  and  commune  with  ‘Y’wa’? 

You  call  yourselves  the  sons  of  ‘Y’wa’. 

How  often  have  you  ascended  to  worship  him? 

You  claim  to  be  the  children  of  ‘Y’wa’. 

How  many  times  have  you  gone  up  to  worship  ‘Y’wa’?’’ 

That  SO  conspicuous  a peak  as  Mount  “Thaw  Thi”  should  have 
been  regarded  as  the  abiding-place  of  the  great  god,  “Y’wa,”  and 

3 Rev.  E.  W.  Blythe,  of  Toungoo,  in  The  Rangoon  Diocesan  Magazine,  (1917)  Vol.  XXI, 
No.  11,  pp.  98,  ff. 


264 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


become  an  object  of  veneration  among  the  Karen  is  not  difficult  to 
understand  in  view  of  the  prevalence  of  animism  among  Oriental 
peoples.  Other  great  mountains  in  the  East  have  been  reverenced 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  region  round  about. 

Religious  Cults 

Like  the  Jews,  who  two  thousand  years  ago  were  constantly 
expecting  the  Messiah  and  followed  after  those  who  set  themselves 
up  as  such,  the  Karen  seem  to  have  been  ever  ready  to  accept  the 
teachings  of  some  self-constituted  prophet.  Dr.  Judson  met  with 
a person  of  this  sort  north  of  Moulmein  in  1832.*  The  names  of  a 
number  of  these  religious  teachers,  including  a few  women,  are 
known.  The  founder  of  one  of  these  cults,  which  attained  a re- 
markable vogue  and  is  known  as  the  “Maw  Lay,”  began  his  labors 
in  the  village  of  Pli  hta,  which  lies  about  fifty  miles  north  of 
Shwegyin,  wffiere  they  still  point  out  the  original  pagoda  and  the 
huge  stone  steps  leading  up  to  it,  reputed  to  have  been  built  by  the 
founder  of  the  sect.  The  teaching  was  eclectic,  as  is  generally  true 
of  other  cults  of  this  sort,  embracing  in  this  case  the  “Y’wa”  and 
other  traditions  of  the  Karen,  together  with  some  elements  of 
Buddhism  and  some  of  Christianity.  The  concluding  sentence  of 
the  myth  concerning  the  incarnation  of  the  reputed  author  of  this 
religion  relates  that  when  he  appeared  among  the  white  men 
he  was  called  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  when  he  appeared  among  the 
Karen  he  was  known  as  “Maw  Lay.”  The  new  cult  originated  about 
the  middle  of  the  last  century  and  spread  rapidly  into  almost  every 
district  where  the  Karen  are  found.  At  one  time  its  adherents 
seem  to  have  numbered  some  thousands,  and  a few  of  them  still 
remain.  They  have  a regular  form  of  worship,  consisting  of  a lit- 
urgy, hymns,  and  offerings  of  food  and  water. 

Later  movements  of  a similar  natui’e,  but  more  influenced  by 
Christianity,  have  gained  a large  following  chiefly  among  the  non- 
Christian  Karens,  to  whose  national  feeling  the  leaders  have  un- 
doubtedly appealed.  Conspicuous  among  these  religious  leaders 
has  been  Ko  Pisan,  also  later  known  as  Ko  San  Ye,  who  came  from 
Papun  or  Shewegyin,  entered  the  Baptist  Mission,  and  for  some 
years  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  exercised  a consider- 
able influence  toward  a real  religious  revival.  Later  he  withdrew 
from  his  Baptist  connection  and  started  an  independent  Christian 
church,  which  has  survived  its  founder  and  now  has  a membership 


* Dr.  Francis  Mason.  The  Karen  Apostle,  p.  96. 


RELIGIOUS  CULTS 


265 


of  between  six  and  seven  thousand  persons.  The  future  develop- 
ment of  this  movement  will  be  watched  with  interest  for,  under  the 
direction  of  a few  trained  preachers  and  others,  it  affords  an  ex- 
cellent opportunity  for  the  Karen  to  show  what  they  can  accomplish 
in  the  way  of  religious  progress  by  themselves. 

If  they  can  maintain  their  ideals,  administer  the  affairs  and 
discipline  of  their  church,  and  increase  its  membership,  while  con- 
tinuing friendly  relations  with  other  Christian  bodies  in  Burma, 
they  will  be  worthy  of  all  praise. 

Contemporaneous  with  the  founding  of  the  independent  church 
by  Ko  San  Ye,  a former  priest  of  the  Church  of  England 
started  the  “Hkli  Bo  Pa”  cult  in  the  Toungoo  Hills,  basing  his 
preaching  on  a misapprehension  of  a passage  of  Scripture.  He  has 
instituted  a form  of  worship  with  peculiar  practices,  has  been  ex- 
communicated from  the  Anglican  body,  and  has  since  been  carrying 
on  his  labors  with  only  indifferent  success. 


266 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Village  School  Children  with  Their  Teacher 
The  Karen  on  the  plains  in  the  Prome  District  have  become  Burmanized. 
These  children  are  wearing  their  hair  trimmed  Burmese  fashion. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 


MAGIC 

The  division  lines  between  religion,  magic,  and  science,  as 
these  matters  appear  to  primitive  peoples,  are  hard  to  trace.  In 
truth,  the  three  fields  so  overlap  and  interpenetrate  that  it  is  almost 
impossible  to  tell  where  one  begins  and  the  other  leaves  off.  How- 
ever, religion  for  them  may  be  defined  as  consisting  of  the  socially 
recognized  practices  and  conceptions  belonging  to  the  tribe  or 
group  and  relating  to  the  supernatural  powers  or  forces.  Through 
their  conceptions  and  practices  the  people  try  to  enter  into  relation 
with  these  powers  for  their  own  welfare.  Magic  may  be  defined  as 
the  art  of  influencing  the  action  of  spirits  and  occult  powers  for  the 
purpose  of  serving  private  ends.  This  art  may  involve  resorting  to 
secret  and  sinister  means  for  an  anti-social  purpose.  As  many,  if 
not  most,  of  the  magical  rites  are  concerned  with  matters  of  health, 
the  realm  of  magic  includes  a portion  of  that  of  science,  especially 
of  medical  science,  which  makes  use  of  the  effects  of  roots,  herbs, 
and  minerals  on  the  human  body,  as  well  as  of  other  treatments, 
which  form  the  beginning  of  a real  scientific  knowledge. 

The  underlying  principle  of  Karen  magic  seems  to  be  the 
“pgho,”  that  all-pervasive  impersonal  power  which  is  so  potent  for 
good  or  ill.  By  observing  certain  ceremonies  and  incantations  the 
individual  is  thought  to  be  able  to  induce  the  “pgho”  to  take  up  its 
abode  in  some  person  or  object  and  have  it  accomplish  the  end  he 
has  in  view. 

The  belief  in  the  power  of  magic  doubtless  grew  out  of  inci- 
dental observation  and  primitive  experimentation  with  the  unseen 
forces  surrounding  all  human  life,  in  which  coincidence  of  events 
was  ignorantly  seized  upon  as  establishing  a necessary  connection 
between  them.  That  the  magical  power  of  an  alleged  charm  rests 
on  very  insecure  foundations  is  illustrated  in  an  experience  which  I 
had  with  a Karen,  who  brought  me  two  magical  stones  about  the 
color  and  size  of  horse-chestnuts  to  be  tested.  The  Karen  had 
inherited  these  stones,  which  had  long  been  regai’ded  in  his  family 
as  charms  against  injury  by  weapons.  He  wanted  me  to  fire  my 

267 


268 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


gun  at  them;  but  I had  one  of  my  native  helpers  fire  the  gun,  in 
oi’der  to  preclude  the  deduction  on  the  part  of  the  owner  of  the 
stones  that  a foi’eigner’s  handling  of  the  gun  had  prevented  the 
working  of  the  charm.  The  discharge  of  the  weapon  knocked  the 
stones  to  bits  to  the  great  surprise  of  the  owner,  who  exclaimed 
repeatedly  that  the  stones  were  w^orthless  after  all.  Such  de- 
cisive demonstrations  of  the  uselessness  of  magic  were,  of  course, 
lacking  in  the  olden  time,  and  the  failure  of  a charm  to  accomplish 
what  was  desired  could  always  be  explained  by  some  unfavorable 
circumstance,  such  as  the  omission  of  some  necessary  rite  or  the 
ill-humor  of  the  spirit  whose  cooperation  was  necessary.  It  should 
be  remembered  also  that  the  absence  of  the  accustomed  charm 
produces  an  adverse  psychological  effect  on  those  depending  on 
them.  I am  told  that  both  Karen  and  Burman  boys  who  play  foot- 
ball, have  a “medicine”  to  pi’otect  them  from  injury  and  to  bring 
victory.  Without  this  talisman,  which  has  its  counterpart  in  the 
mascot  of  some  American  baseball  and  football  teams,  the  players 
are  apt  to  do  poorly  and  lose  the  game.  In  like  manner  a Karen, 
who  attributes  his  indisposition  to  the  evil  influence  of  some  one 
who  is  bewitching  him,  is  likely  to  become  worse  through  the  power 
of  suggestion;  just  as  his  fellow-villager,  who  has  placed  himself 
under  the  protective  charms  and  remedies  of  the  medicine-man, 
often  derives  benefit  from  his  own  faith  in  their  efficiency. 

In  some  outlying  Karen  districts  there  are  still  persons  of  both 
sexes  among  the  Karens  who  profess  to  maintain  communication 
with  the  powers  of  the  invisible  world.  Of  these  “wi,”  so-called, 
one  group  has  dealings  with  the  powers  of  evil,  while  the  other 
looks  to  “Y’wa,”  the  eternal  God,  for  the  revelation  of  unseen 
things.  The  latter  group  is  sometimes  designated  leaders  of  reli- 
gion (“bu  hko,”  heads  of  the  feasts).  The  prophesies  of  the 
deliverance  of  the  Karen  from  the  Burman  yoke  and  of  the  coming 
of  the  white  brother  were  uttered  by  some  of  these  “wi.”  The 
members  of  the  former  group  are  believed  to  be  able  to  see  into 
hell  and  to  bring  evil  forces  to  bear  on  men.  They  go  into  trances 
and  work  themselves  into  a state  of  frenzy,  writhing  on  the  ground 
and  frothing  at  the  mouth  until  thev  have  received  a message. 
Then  they  calm  down  and  deliver  their  oracle  in  verse.  They  are 
reputed  to  have  often  deceived  their  patrons.  They  are  at  enmity 
with  the  prophets  of  the  second  group.  Their  influence  is  limited 
to  those  of  weak  “so”  or  personal  powers.^  Not  only  have  strong- 


- See  Chaptei-  XXI  on  Religious  Conceptions,  p.  221. 


MAGIC 


269 


willed  persons  been  able  to  resist  their  magic,  but  also  in  some 
instances  have  put  the  magic-workers  to  death.  These  “wi”  are  not 
supposed  to  be  easily  persuaded  into  exercising  their  sinister  influ- 
ence. It  is  said  that  they  reserve  their  offices  for  the  client  who  has 
suffered  a real  injury,  or  one  whose  distress  is  revealed  by  his  tears, 
or  one  against  whom  seven  malicious  attempts  have  been  made. 
Usually  they  are  men  of  high-strung  nervous  temperament.  Occa- 
sionally, other  persons  think  themselves  possessed  of  magic  power 
(“pgha  pgho”)  and  try  to  use  it  for  good  or  ill  in  influencing  their 
own  or  some  one  else’s  life.  However,  a casual  practitioner  of  the 
art  must  observe  proper  reticence  in  regard  to  such  matters,  or  run 
the  risk  of  falling  into  disrepute  or  of  exciting  the  envy  of  some 
more  experienced  “wi.”  Many  persons  living  in  Karen  villages  at 
the  present  time  are  usually  spoken  of  not  as  “wi,”  but  as  “k’  thi 
thra”  (“medicine-teachers”  or  doctors).  They  are  veiy  backward 
about  referring  to  their  art. 

A class  of  persons  supposed  in  the  early  days  to  be  gifted  with 
magical  powders,  consisted  of  the  orphans  and  other  unfortunates 
who  were  driven  from  the  villages  and  compelled  to  live  by  them- 
selves in  the  jungle.®  In  Karen  folk-lore  many  tales  recount  episodes 
in  which  an  orphan  exercises  his  uncanny  powers,  usually  in  de- 
fense of  some  weaker  person  whom  he  saves  or  helps  to  get  the 
better  of  his  foes.  One  such  story  tells  of  a chief  whose  village 
had  been  raided  again  and  again.  Having  no  orphan  magician 
at  hand  to  aid  him,  he  was  beaten  every  time ; while  the  victorious 
villages  were  every  one  of  them  blessed  in  having  such  a champion. 
The  chief,  anticipating  another  raid,  sent  his  daughter  away  be- 
cause he  had  no  one  else  to  give  in  ransom,  should  he  be  van- 
quished again.  She  ran  through  the  jungle  until  she  fell  exhausted, 
and  next  morning  was  found  by  an  orphan,  one  of  seven  brothers, 
near  whose  hut  she  had  fallen.  She  related  her  story  to  the  aged 
grandmother  of  the  seven,  and  they  were  so  captivated  by  her  that 
they  determined  to  aid  her  father  in  recovering  the  bronze  di’ums 
and  other  treasure  that  he  had  surrendered,  in  order  to  save  his 
village  fi’om  destruction.  Before  the  grandmother  would  consent  to 
her  grandsons’  enterprise,  she  required  them  to  make  a trial  of 
their  strength.  This  they  did  by  each  catching  a tusker  elephant 
in  the  jungle,  grasping  him  by  the  fore  and  hind  legs  and  using  him 
as  a huge  kind  of  battering-ram  in  knocking  down  a clump  of  bam- 


3 See  pp.  133,  134. 


270 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


boos.  Quite  satisfied  with  this  demonstration  of  their  magic 
power,  the  grandmother  allowed  them  to  go  on  their  mission.  In 
the  battle  that  followed  the  seven  orphans  severally  engaged  the 
champions  of  the  seven  victorious  villages  and  won  back  for  the 
maiden’s  father  the  treasure  that  he  had  been  forced  to  pay  over  in 
the  previous  raids.  The  oldest  of  the  brothers  then  received  the 
hand  of  the  chief’s  daughter  in  marriage,  having  cleared  himself  of 
the  curse  that  had  rested  upon  him  as  an  oi’phan. 

Why  such  extraordinary  powers  have  been  attributed  to  the 
once  despised  orphan  is  not  known.  At  first  he  was  feared  for  the 
bad  luck  he  might  bring  to  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  village, 
if  allowed  to  remain  wdthin  the  stockade.  That  he  did  not  perish  as 
an  outcast  in  the  jungle  must  have  been  regarded  as  a sort  of 
miracle  by  the  village  community,  whose  members  had  always  lived 
and  worked  together  in  close  interdependence.  They  must  have 
looked  upon  him  with  aw'e  and  believed  that  he  was  protected 
by  some  powerful  influence,  not  only  from  the  evilly  disposed  “Bgha” 
but  also  from  the  dangers  of  the  forest.  It  was,  therefore,  natural 
enough  to  regard  him  in  course  of  time  as  a person  who  had  “pgho.” 
In  these  later  days  orphans  appear  to  have  been  considered 
less  extraordinary  persons,  as  indicated  by  the  following  couplet: 

“In  olden  times  the  orphans  had  magic. 

Orphans  now  must  talk”  [like  other  persons]. 

The  “k’  thi  thra”  or  “medicine-teachers”  constitute  another 
group  that  should  be  mentioned  among  magic-workers.  It  is  true 
that  they  possess  a rude  knowledge  of  the  efficacy  of  roots  and 
herbs,  but  they  also  sometimes  dispense  disgusting  and  filthy  con- 
coctions. The  Karen,  like  other  primitive  peoples,  regard  sickness 
as  due  to  some  mysterious  force  or  “mana”  and  believe  that  all 
medicine,  even  that  prescribed  by  European  physicians,  operates 
to  dispel  or  vanquish  this  force.  They  expect  a dose  to  cure  imme- 
diately and  discredit  a medicine  that  must  be  taken  repeatedly. 
Hence,  in  general,  they  prefer  their  native  “medicine-teacher”  and 
his  nostrums  to  the  educated  physician  and  his  medicine,  the  thex’a- 
peutic  effects  of  which  are  beyond  their  understanding.  Doubtless, 
some  Karens  do  distinguish  between  the  charm  and  the  drug,  but 
most  of  them  seem  to  cling  to  the  idea  Hat  the  drug  has  more  or 
less  of  the  charm  connected  with  it. 

Magic  among  the  Karen,  as  among  other  primitive  races,  is 
divisible  into  white  and  black  magic.  The  former  is  the  beneficent 


MAGIC 


271 


kind,  involving  the  use  of  certain  rites,  practices,  and  conceptions 
by  which  one  tries  to  protect  one’s  self  against  unknown  powers  and 
forces.  White  magic  may  be  divided  in  turn  into  three  varieties, 
namely,  defensive,  productive,  and  prognostic  magic. 

As  suggested  by  its  name,  defensive  magic  is  employed  to  safe- 
guai’d  one  from  injury  and  to  prolong  one’s  life.  Charms  are  used, 
such  as  the  wild  boar’s  tusk  without  a nerve  cavity,  to  prevent  the 
possessor  from  being  wounded  by  the  firing  of  a gun  or  the  bolt 
from  a crossbow.  The  tusk  charm  is  called  “soh.” 

The  boar’s  tusk  must  be  the  tusk  of  an  old  and  fierce  animal 
(for  the  older  the  animal,  the  smaller  the  cavity),  which  was, 
therefore,  hard  to  kill.  This,  according  to  Karen  belief,  renders 
its  owner  equally  hard  to  destroy.  Sometimes  the  tooth  of  an  an- 
cestor is  worn,  in  order  to  gain  the  reputed  courage  and  strength  of 
the  latter.  A female  wears  such  a charm  around  her  neck.  A man 
may  wear  it  set  in  a finger-ring.  The  latter  method  of  wearing  the 
tooth  would  not  serve  in  the  case  of  a woman  or  girl,  for  unavoid- 
ably it  would  be  brought  in  contact  with  her  skirt  and  that  would 
be  disrespectful  to  the  dead,  thus  destroying  the  value  of  the  charm. 
A lock  of  hair  or  the  parings  of  nails  from  a corpse  are  also  fre- 
quently worn  to  prolong  the  life  of  the  wearer. 

A certain  plant  of  magic  power,  called  “k’  thi  baw  tho”  or 
“tiger  medicine”  is  said  by  the  Karen  to  confer  such  immunity 
upon  him  who  uses  it  that  he  may  enter  a den  of  fierce  tigers  at 
any  time  without  the  least  fear.*  It  is  also  reported  that  by  bury- 
ing the  root  of  this  magic  plant  at  the  bottom  of  a hole  seven  cubits 
deep,  pulling  the  root  up  with  one’s  teeth,  and  jumping  out — accord- 
ing to  one  of  my  informants — even  when  men  are  standing  around 
the  opening  with  sticks  in  their  hands,  one  will  be  turned  into  a 
man-eating  tiger  and  spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  the  jungle 
composing  verses  and  springing  down  upon  unwary  persons.  Cer- 
tainly, one  who  can  believe  that  a man  can  leap  out  of  so  deep  a hole 
and  dodge  the  blows  of  his  fellows  at  the  top,  will  experience  no 
difficulty  in  believing  the  rest  of  this  story. 

A second  form  of  white  magic  is  what  is  defined  as  productive 
magic.  It  has  to  do  with  increasing  a crop,  rendering  a family  pros- 
perous, or  adding  children  to  the  family  circle.  Certain  plants  of 
the  ginger  family  (Zingiheraceae)  growing  in  Burma  are  sup- 
posed to  he  endowed  with  the  power  of  bringing  a good  crop  pro- 
duction. Consequently,  they  are  set  out  at  the  entrances  of  the 


* Karen  Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  643,  f¥. 


272 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Paku  Karen  School  Girls 

These  maidens  are  carrying  the  smaller  Toungoo  baskets.  They 
are  wearing  the  usual  Paku  costume. 


MAGIC 


273 


fields.  A native  reported  to  me  an  example  of  productive  magic 
in  connection  with  the  finding  of  a spiral  coil  of  heavy  brass  wire 
by  his  great  aunt.  The  coil  was  from  four  to  six  inches  in  diameter 
and  was  unearthed  by  the  aunt  while  digging  a large  yam  in  the 
jungle.  The  coil  was  carried  home,  but  at  first  brought  only  mis- 
fortune. However,  in  the  full  moon  of  “Thadingyut”  (Burmese 
for  October)  the  aunt  hit  upon  the  happy  idea  of  offering  the  blood 
of  a red  cock  to  the  spiral  coil,  and  in  due  time  the  family  became 
prosperous.  A failure  to  make  the  annual  offering  was  followed  by 
ill-fortune.  The  offering  must  not  be  made  by  an  unchaste  person 
or  by  one  who  had  fallen  out  of  the  house  during  the  year.  The 
coil,  which  sometimes  assumed  human  form,  must  not  be  approached 
too  closely.  It  was  believed  to  possess  the  power  of  foretelling  the 
future  when  it  appeared  in  human  shape. 

The  red  and  yellow  varieties  of  the  flowering  plant,  cockscomb 
(Amarantus) , which  grow  abundantly  in  the  hills,  are  reputed  to 
have  a beneficial  effect  on  the  crops.  The  red  variety  has  the  added 
virtue,  according  to  various  tales,  of  dazzling  the  eyes  of  pursuing 
spirits,  which  are  so  attracted  by  it  that  they  forget  any  evil  intent 
they  may  have  had  against  persons  or  objects.  A root  taken  from 
a red  cockscomb  found  growing  in  a field  three  years  after  cultiva- 
tion, if  bound  up  in  the  turban  of  a husband,  will  prevent  the  wife 
from  conceiving,  according  to  Karen  lore.  The  opposite  result  is 
attained  by  the  women  of  Shwegyin  by  wearing  the  bones  of  the 
“Ta  t’hkaw  hkaw”  (a  one-legged  female  demon)  as  a necklace. 
They  buy  these  bones  from  the  Brecs.® 

Black  magic  is  bad  magic  or  witchcraft.  The  Karen  speak  of 
it  as  “ta  ho  ta  yaw”  or  sometimes  as  “ta  ho  ta  lo,”  meaning  to 
work  evil  on  a person  and  thereby  cause  his  death.  It  is  difficult 
to  learn  very  much  about  the  practices  involved  in  the  art,  for  those 
who  exercise  it  are  prone  to  keep  their  methods  secret,  revealing 
them,  if  at  all,  to  one  or  two  intimates  only  and  thus  preventing 
their  secrets  from  losing  their  potency.  By  blowing  on  a cup  of 
water  that  is  later  to  be  handed  to  the  intended  victim,  the  worker 
of  black  magic  imparts  to  it  a baleful  action  that  will  cause  him  to 
sicken  and  die.  A quid  of  betel  blown  upon  in  the  same  way  may 
be  thrown  at  the  person  intended  to  be  harmed,  and,  if  it  strikes 
him,  will  produce  the  fatal  result  desired.  Some  sorcerers  pretend 
to  have  the  power  of  inducing  a lingering  disease,  which  after  a 
year  or  two  will  terminate  the  life  of  their  victims.  Other  methods 


® See  Chapter  XXII  on  Supernatural  and  Mythical  Beings,  p.  233. 


274 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


resorted  to  are  reputed  to  stimulate  the  growth  of  tumors,  thick 
membranes,  or  bones  in  the  bowels  of  a person  and  thus  elTect  his 
premature  death.  It  was  reported  to  me  that  one  sorcerer  dem- 
onstrated his  destructive  power  by  coaxing  a squirrel  to  come  near 
and  hitting  it  with  a betel  quid  upon  which  he  had  blown,  where- 
upon the  little  animal  fell  dead.  The  man  telling  me  of  this  experi- 
ment had  not  witnessed  it,  but  learned  of  it  from  one  who  had. 
The  practice  of  magic  by  the  blowing  method  is  attributed  to  a 
certain  man,  named  Saw  Hteu  (a  famous  prophet),  who  was  gashed 
severely  by  a wild  boar  in  the  chase.  The  prophet  blew  and  spat 
on  the  wounds,  which  healed  immediately.  It  was  said  that  the 
mastery  of  this  method  could  be  gained  only  through  instruction 
from  its  author.  It  is  a method  that  can  be  used  either  for  good 
or  evil  purposes.  Those  who  apply  it  in  doing  harm  are  often  called 
false  prophets  (“wi  a’  bla”)  and  are  greatly  feared  by  those 
Karens  who  are  still  deep  in  ignorance  and  superstition.  Dr.  Wade 
thinks  this  blowing  charm  is  of  Talaign  origin,  which  is  very  likely, 
for  it  is  used  by  all  the  peoples  in  Burma  and  is  probably  a survival 
of  the  old  demon-worship,  which  still  remains  powerful  despite  cen- 
turies of  Buddhist  teaching.® 

A well-known  method  of  wrecking  vengeance  on  an  enemy,  but 
one  that  would  be  used  only  by  the  most  craven  wizzard,  is  that  of 
invoking  the  action  of  the  skull  of  a corpse  that  had  been  left 
unburied.  During  the  daytime  the  skull  appears  to  be  harmless 
enough ; but  at  night,  if  magical  lore  is  to  be  credited,  it  takes 
on  the  complete  similitude  of  a wretched  man,  a kind  of  retributive 
agent,  ready  to  be  sent  on  a mission  of  murder.  Another  familiar 
method  of  doing  evil  to  a person  is  to  take  a piece  of  his  clothing, 
a lock  of  his  hair,  or  even  some  of  the  dust  from  his  foot-prints  and, 
after  blowing  the  baleful  breath  on  whatever  has  been  taken,  to 
make  a little  image  of  him,  stick  a feather  in  the  bottom  of  it,  and 
hang  it  on  a tree.  When  the  wind  swings  this  manikin  to  and  fro, 
the  mind  of  the  person  it  represents  will  begin  to  give  way,  becom- 
ing capricious  and  unsettled.  The  imparting  of  bad  luck  is  also 
accomplished  by  secreting  a fragment  of  a monstrous  woman’s 
skirt  in  the  pillow  of  the  hated  individual.  I heard  of  a wife  who 
did  this  out  of  spite  to  her  husband,  who  had  taken  unto  himself 
another  woman.  The  result  of  her  action  was  all  that  could  have 
been  desired,  for  the  man  finally  died. 


® The  Karen  Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  445. 


MAGIC 


275 


Certain  stones  (“ler  na”)  and  some  plants  of  the  ginger  fam- 
ily (“paw  na”)  are  credited  with  having  the  ability  to  consume 
food.  If  offered  raw  flesh  and  blood,  they  prefer  the  latter.  The 
owners  of  such  specimens  can  cause  harm  to  any  one  against  whom 
they  have  a grudge.  In  case  one  of  the  “ler  na”  is  sent  to  a person, 
it  takes  on  the  appearance  of  the  owner  and  produces  the  death  of 
the  recipient.  Such  stones,  accoi'ding  to  report,  are  usually  picked 
up  in  swampy  places,  glow  in  the  dark,  and  will  eat  into  one’s  flesh 
like  an  acid.  It  seems  to  be  customary  to  send  one  of  these  car- 
nivorous stones  to  the  intended  victim  when  he  is  in  a weakened 
condition  on  account  of  sickness.  He  is,  therefore,  in  a physical 
state  to  experience  such  an  hallucination  as  that  referred  to  above. 

To  counteract  the  effects  of  the  “ler  na,”  a medicine  is  com- 
pounded from  the  gall-bladder  of  one  who  has  suffered  a violent 
death  and  been  stolen  from  the  grave  at  night.  The  remains  of 
the  gall-bladder  ai'e  mixed  with  the  charred  dust  scraped  from  the 
bamboos  used  in  piercing  the  corpse  when  it  was  being  burned. 
These  ingredients  are  moistened  with  water  and  shaped  into  a ball, 
from  which  the  patient  takes  doses  when  he  finds  the  spell  of  the 
magic  stone  asserting  itself.  Other  fragments  of  the  medicine-ball 
are  pulverized  and  scattered  in  the  air  about  the  patient.  This  in- 
ternal and  external  treatment  is  supposed  to  afford  both  cure  and 
protection  from  the  menace  of  the  “ler  na.”  ' Another  method 
(called  “po”)  of  preventing  witches  and  wizards  from  working  their 
evil  spells,  is  by  inserting  twigs  of  the  indigo  plant  in  the  split  ends 
of  three  sticks,  spitting  on  the  twigs,  and  offering  a prayer  for 
deliverance. 

Much  of  the  magic  of  the  Karen  prophets  and  “medicine-teach- 
ers” is  concerned  with  recalling  the  “k’las”  of  sick  persons.  The 
multitude  of  demons  and  powers  by  which  the  tribesman  believes 
himself  to  be  surrounded,  renders  it  next  to  impossible  for  him  to 
tell  which  of  these  spirits  is  assailing  him  when  he  falls  ill.  Hence 
he  calls  in  a diviner,  unless  he  should  undertake  to  consult  the  chick- 
en bones  or  make  marks  on  a bamboo,  in  order  to  determine  for  him- 
self the  cause  of  his  sickness.  When  he  has  learned  the  cause,  he 
makes  offerings  to  placate  the  particular  spirit  concerned.  In  case 
his  recovery  is  not  as  rapid  as  he  thinks  it  ought  to  be,  he  calls  in 
some  “wi”  to  find  out  what  the  matter  is  and  what  he  must  do. 
The  “wi”  who  was  summoned  to  prescribe  for  a sick  grandmother 
some  years  ago,  inspected  the  chicken  bones  several  times  and,  when 


Dr.  Wade,  The  Karen  Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  463. 


276 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


he  got  a satisfactory  divination,  placed  some  rice,  cooked  chicken, 
and  liquor  on  a tray  and  drew  it  along  the  floor  of  the  house  to  the 
top  of  the  ladder  at  the  entrance.  He  then  ran  a string  from  the 
tray  do\\-n  the  ladder  to  the  ground  for  the  old  woman’s  “k’  la”  or 
shade  to  come  up  on.  The  “k’  la”  did  not  return  because,  as  the 
witch-doctor  explained,  it  was  held  captive  in  a betel-box  by  some 
one.  Thereupon,  he  asked  for  seven  cubits  of  white  cloth,  wound  it 
about  himself,  and  lay  down  to  sleep  with  a “dah”  (lai'ge  knife)  and 
an  axe  on  either  side  of  him.  With  the  shades  of  these  tools  in 
hand  his  ”k’  la”  was  to  go  and  release  the  shade  or  spirit  of  the 
grandmother.  On  awaking,  the  witch-doctor  reported  that  he  had 
had  a hard  struggle  and  been  shot  at  by  the  man  who  was  restrain- 
ing the  old  woman’s  spirit  from  returning,  but  that  he  had  suc- 
ceeded in  releasing  it.  When  the  doctor  unwrapped  himself,  so  the 
granddaughter  of  the  patient  told  me,  the  cloth  was  riddled  with 
what  appeared  to  be  shot  holes.  The  string  on  the  ladder  was 
broken,  showing  conclusively  that  the  “k’  la”  had  returned  at  last. 
A piece  of  this  string  was  now  tied  around  the  patient’s  wrist  to 
prevent  her  spirit  from  again  escaping.  Needless  to  say,  the  old 
woman  recovered  her  health. 

A ceremony  is  sometimes  observed  among  the  Karen  to  keep 
the  “k’  la”  of  a deceased  person  from  aimlessly  wandering  about  and 
to  beguile  it  into  remaining  with  the  corpse,  until  it  shall  depart  to 
the  king  of  spirits.  In  this  ceremony  the  coffined  body  is  placed  in 
the  center  of  the  floor.  A slender  rod  of  bamboo  is  inserted  in  a 
hole  in  the  coffin  lid,  a thread  reaching  from  the  tip  of  the  bamboo 
to  the  floor.  This  thread  has  small  tufts  of  cotton  and  bits  of  char- 
coal tied  to  it  in  alternate  order  throughout  its  length.  Under  the 
loose  end  of  the  thread  a small  cup  containing  a hard-boiled  egg  is 
placed.  A silver  or  brass  ring  hangs  at  the  end  of  the  thread  just 
over  the  cup.  In  case  the  thread  is  drawn  downward  with  some 
force  so  that  it  vibrates  or  breaks,  the  ”k’  la”  is  supposed  to  have 
returned  from  its  wanderings,  otherwise  not.  Colonel  MacMahon 
relates  that  he  watched  an  experiment  of  this  kind,  but  that  when 
he  required  everybody  to  go  a considerable  distance  from  the  cup, 
nothing  happened.® 

Among  the  Karen  and  Burmese  the  abdomen  is  held  to  be  the 
seat  of  the  passions  and  the  diseases,  varying  moods  and  bodily 

® A similar  ceremony  is  gone  through  at  noon  of  the  last  day  of  the  funeral  rites.  See 
ante,  p.  237  : Col.  A.  R.  MacMahon.  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese,  p.  138  ; Cross,  in  the 
Journal,  American  Oriental  Society,  Vol.  I. 


MAGIC 


277 


conditions  being  attributed  to  the  presence  of  wind  (“k’li”),  fire 
(“me”),  or  water  (“paw  leh”).  The  elders  assert  that  fifteen 
hundred  cavities  in  the  abdomen  contain  wind,  twelve  contain 
fire,  and  one  contains  water.  The  prevalence  of  wind  over  the 
other  elements  produces  pride,  ambition,  avarice,  evil  desires,  and 
hilarity.  When  fire  is  in  the  ascendancy,  one  is  incited  to  envy, 
malice,  hatred,  and  revenge.  When  water  predominates,  issuing 
from  its  single  cavity,  it  disseminates  peace,  love,  kindness,  patience, 
quietness,  and  other  allied  virtues.  The  various  qualities  are  inter- 
mingled in  one’s  character  in  proportion  to  the  mingling  of  the  sev- 
eral elements.® 

Many  of  the  charms  worn  by  both  the  Karen  and  the  Burmese 
are  intended  to  prevent  wind  from  gaining  the  ascendency  in  the 
abdomen.  Among  such  charms  are  strings  of  dried  berries  of  cer- 
tain plants,  strings  of  coins  that  have  been  blown  upon,  and  knotted 
cords  that  have  been  put  on  the  wearer  by  elders  or  prophets. 

Something  remains  to  be  said  about  the  “k’  thi  thras”  or  “medi- 
cine-teachers,” who  compound  drugs  from  various  roots  and  herbs 
with  which  they  practice  a sort  of  medical  lore,  in  addition  to  their 
occult  rites.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  they  understand  the  me- 
dicinal action  of  certain  plants.  They  will  often  point  out  a par- 
ticular tree  with  the  remark  that  its  leaves  are  good  for  fever  or 
some  other  ailment.  On  my  request  for  some  prescriptions  a Karen 
doctor  gave  me  a hundred  of  them.  Dr.  Wade  has  collected  over 
forty  pages  of  medical  formulae  of  various  kinds,  among  them  many 
of  real  value.  Dr.  Mason  mentions  the  name  of  a small  creeping 
plant  (Hydracotyle  asiatica)  which,  if  applied  as  a poultice  in  time, 
will  arrest,  if  it  does  not  cure,  leprosy.^®  How  many  of  these  Karen 
prescriptions  are  of  Burmese,  Shan,  or  Talign  origin  I am  unable 
to  say.  I have  been  told  several  times  that  the  Karen  who  still 
remain  in  their  primitive  condition,  depend  wholly  on  magic  and 
offerings  to  cure  sickness.  My  observation  leads  me  to  believe  that 
the  use  of  medicine  increases,  as  the  people  come  more  and  more 
into  contact  with  other  races. 

The  Karen  believe  that  smells  have  a marked  effect  on  the 
body,  both  for  good  and  for  ill.  There  is  hardly  anjffhing  that  a 
Karen  or,  indeed,  a Burman  fears  so  much  as  he  does  the  smell  of 
cooking  fat  (“ta  neu  xo”).  They  believe  that  the  odor  somehow 
enters  the  body,  especially  if  there  is  an  abrasion  of  the  skin, 

® The  Karen  Thesaurus^  new  ed.,  Vol.  I.  p.  500. 

Dr.  F.  Mason,  British  Burma,  Its  Peeople  and  Productions,  pp.  501,  ff. 


278 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


and  causes  all  kinds  of  trouble,  even  sudden  death.  To  avoid  coming 
in  contact  with  this  smell,  they  usually  do  any  frying  that  may  be 
necessary  out-of-doors  and  hold  their  hands  over  their  noses  to 
keep  off  the  dread  danger.  For  curative  purposes  smelling-salts  are 
popular  among  both  Karens  and  Burmans,  when  they  can  be  bought 
in  bazaar.  Many  of  the  medicines  contain  asafoetida  and  other 
pungent-smelling  ingredients,  which  are  thought  to  have  an  imme- 
diate effect  on  the  patient.  Bitter  and  acrid-tasting  drugs  are  also 
in  great  favor. 

Apart  from  such  remedies  the  Karen  “medicine-teachers”  re- 
sort to  disgusting  concoctions  of  the  scrapings  from  the  horns 
of  the  sambur,  the  hair  and  genitals  of  certain  animals,  tigers’  and 
leopards’  whiskers,  certain  parts  of  human  corpses,  the  body  hair 
of  human  beings,  dung  of  all  kinds,  the  scrapings  from  the  charred 
ends  of  bamboos  used  in  piercing  corpses  on  the  funeral  pyre, 
etc.  The  urine  of  one  sex  is  sometimes  prescribed  as  a liniment  for 
persons  of  the  opposite  sex.  The  following  is  a prescription  taken 
from  the  Karen  Thesaurus,  where  it  is  described  as  “a  grand  febri- 
fuge” : “Take  the  umbilical  cord  cut  from  a new-born  child,  the  un- 
digested kernels  from  the  dung  of  a dog,  white  and  red  onions, 
ginger  and  black  pepper  in  equal  quantities ; mix  thoroughly  and 
make  into  pills  the  size  of  the  end  of  the  little  finger;  dose,  one  at 
a time  to  be  taken  in  hot  water.”  “ 

The  formulae  for  other  kinds  of  pills  are  even  more  disgusting 
than  that  just  given.  Draughts,  lotions,  liniments,  smelling-com- 
pounds,  liquids  for  bathing,  hot  and  cold  applications ; herbs  and 
other  things  to  be  hung  over  the  patient,  placed  under  his  bed,  or  in 
an  adjoining  room,  are  among  the  strange  mixtures  that  might  be 
enumerated  without  interesting  any  but  the  curious. 


The  Karen  Thesaurus,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  641. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 


DIVINATIONS 

Recourse  is  had  to  the  bones  of  the  fowl  for  prognosticating 
the  future  throughout  many  parts  of  southeastern  Asia.  In  these 
regions  the  chicken  is  indigenous,  and  it  may  be  that  the  custom 
of  examining  their  bones  came  about  in  a natural  way,  as  sug- 
gested by  Sir  J.  G.  Scott. ^ It  would  be  natural  for  people  entering 
a new  country  for  the  purpose  of  settling  in  it  to  take  note  of  all 
indications  as  to  its  fertility,  including  the  size  and  condition  of  the 
fowls.  Perhaps  this  gives  us  the  clue  to  the  origin  of  the  Karen 
practice  of  inspecting  the  holes  of  the  thigh-bones  of  the  fowl.  The 
words  designating  this  usage  are  “ka  hsaw  ki,”  which  literally 
mean  to  break  the  fowl’s  bones.  It  may  be  that  originally  they  actu- 
ally broke  the  bones  and  examined  their  structure,  strength,  and 
condition  to  determine  whether  the  fowls  were  well  nourished  or 
not,  and  that  later  the  custom  arose  of  inspecting  only  the  holes 
in  the  bones.  Why  such  a change  should  have  taken  place  is  without 
explanation,  unless  the  people  thought  they  had  discovered  a re- 
lation between  the  general  healthiness  of  the  bones  and  the  pin- 
holes along  their  sides. 

The  Karen  people  themselves  connect  the  origin  of  this  custom 
with  the  legends  of  their  early  golden  age,  before  they  had  lost  their 
book  or  “Mil  kaw  li”  (Satan)  had  tempted  their  ancestors  to  disobey 
the  eternal  God,  “Y’wa,”  and  had  then  taught  them  divination.  The 
story  of  the  Lost  Book  is  found  among  other  peoples  in  this  region  of 
the  earth  and  in  brief  is  as  follows:  In  the  beginning  “Y’wa”  had 
seven  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  the  Karen  and  the  youngest,  the 
white  man.  The  father,  being  about  to  go  on  a journey,  invited  the 
Karen  to  accompany  him ; but  the  latter  declined  on  the  score  that 
he  had  his  field  to  clear.  The  Burman  also  refused  to  go.  However, 
each  of  them  gave  “Y’wa”  a gift,  the  Karen  presenting  him  with 
a bamboo  trough,  such  as  the  pigs  feed  out  of,  and  the  Burman,  with 
a paddle.”  The  white  brother  was  induced  to  accompany  his  father, 

^ Sir  J.  G.  Scott,  Burma.  A Handbook^  399,  ff. 

- Another  version  of  this  myth  says  that  the  Karen  pave  “Y’wa”  a “saw  ku“  or  rain 
cover  such  as  is'  worn  when  the  people  are  transplanting  rice  in  the  rainy  season. 


279 


280 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


and,  when  they  got  to  the  sea,  they  transformed  the  trough  into  a 
boat  and  the  paddle  into  a mast  and  sail.  By  these  means  they  soon 
reached  the  celestial  shore.  While  there  “Y’wa”  prepared  three 
books : one  of  silver  and  gold  for  the  Karen,  because  he  was  the 
oldest;  one  of  palm-leaf  for  the  Burman,  and  one  of  parchment 
for  their  white  brother.  These  were  given  to  the  white  man,  and 
he  accepted  them,  but  kept  the  silver  and  gold  book  himself, 
sending  the  parchment  book  to  the  Karen  by  the  hands  of  the 
Burman.  The  Karen  was  busy  clearing  his  fields  and,  paying  little 
attention  to  the  book,  forgot  to  carry  it  home.  When  he  burned 
off  his  clearing,  it  was  lying  on  a stump  and  was  nearly  destroyed. 
The  pigs  and  chickens  ate  the  charred  remains  of  it.®  Thus,  the 
wisdom  contained  in  the  book,  which  the  ancestors  of  the  race  sorely 
needed  after  sickness  and  trouble  came  upon  them,  was  nowhere 
to  be  found  except  in  the  pigs,  chickens,  and  charcoal,  and  it  was 
to  these  they  turned  in  their  distress.  According  to  the  account 
contained  in  the  “Y’wa”  legend,  the  serpent,  “Mii  kaw  li,”  was  di- 
rectly responsible  for  leading  them  to  these  sources  of  wisdom.^ 
Such  is  the  mythical  story  of  the  origin  of  divination  among  the 
Karen. 

If  one  asks  Karens  versed  in  the  old  poems,  why  the  people 
consult  these  omens,  they  are  apt  to  answer  by  quoting  the  follow- 
ing lines : 

“The  book  of  the  ages  was  rooted  by  the  pigs. 

At  first  the  women  neglected  it. 

The  men  also  did  not  look  at  it. 

If  both  men  and  women  had  studied  it, 

All  the  world  would  have  been  happy.” 

“Our  book  of  gold  that  “Y’wa”  gave. 

Our  book  of  silver  that  he  gave. 

The  elders  did  not  obey. 

Lost,  it  wandered  to  the  foreigner.” 

Among  the  forms  of  divination  the  one  most  in  vogue  is  that  of 
examining  the  chicken  bones.  It  is  used  on  all  occasions.  Nothing 
is  undertaken  by  those  retaining  the  old  superstitions,  whether  of 
little  consequence  or  great  importance  to  them,  without  divination, 

® There  are  two  accounts  of  the  loss  of  the  book,  which  are  about  equally  common.  Be- 
sides the  version  which  says  that  the  book  was  left  on  the  stump,  is  another  relating  that  the 
book  was  left  on  the  floor,  near  the  entrance  to  the  house.  Here  it  lay  unheeded,  till  at  last  it 
fell  through  the  cracks  and  was  picked  at  by  the  fowls  and  chewed  by  the  pigs  under  the  house, 
being  finally  entirely  destroyed.  Then,  at  last,  the  unhappy  people  began  to  feel  the  need  of  its 
guidance. 

^ See  Chapter  XXI  on  Religious  Conceptions,  p.  213. 


DIVINATIONS 


281 


Field-day,  Tharrawaddy  Karen  High  School 


282 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


usually  by  inspecting  the  fowl’s  bones  and  obtaining  a favorable 
omen.  Detailed  accounts,  which  I have  obtained  of  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  arrangement  of  the  holes  in  the  thigh-bones  of  chickens, 
show  that  these  vary  more  or  less.  The  system  of  readings  fur- 
nished to  me  by  an  old  man  of  the  Tharrawaddy  district  corre- 
sponds in  general  with  data  from  other  Sgaw  sections.  According 
to  this  system,  the  left  thigh-bone  (“mi”)  represents  the  jungle. 
If  this  bone  has  a larger  number  of  holes  than  the  right  thigh-bone 
or  has  them  arranged  in  a certain  way,  the  omen  is  unfavorable. 
That  is,  the  “k’  la”  or  life  principle  will  be  influenced  by  this  read- 
ing to  depart  from  the  body  of  the  person  concerned,  thus  causing 
his  sickness  or  death.  If,  however,  the  bones  are  being  consulted 
in  regard  to  some  undertaking,  the  reading  above  indicated  would 
imply  that  it  must  be  postponed  until  a favorable  omen  can  be  had. 
The  right  thigh-bone  (“hsa”)  represents  the  house,  and,  when  it 
affords  the  favorable  reading,  all  is  well  for  the  undertaking  or  the 
person  concerned.  The  bones  are  held  reversed  at  the  time  of 
reading,  the  top  being  called  the  “hkaw”  (literally,  the  foot),  the 
other  end  being  designated  the  “hko”  (literally,  the  head).  The 
right  (“hsa”)  and  left  (“mi”)  are  the  reverse  of  the  diviner’s  right 
and  left. 


Chicken  Bones  Used  in  Divinations 


Six  different  arrangements  of  the  holes  were  specified  to  me, 
as  follows : 

(1)  In  this  arrangement  the  jungle  bone  (“mi”)  has  three 
holes,  while  the  house  bone  (“hsa”)  has  only  one.  Hence,  the  di- 
viner says:  “Mi  a,  mi  neu  hsa,”  meaning  that  “the  jungle  has  more 
and  wins  over  the  house.  This  bodes  bad  luck  or  sickness. 

(2)  This  arrangement  is  the  opposite  of  (1)  and  is  reported 
as  “Hsa  a,  hsa  neu  mi.”  This  reading  is  a prognostication  of  good 
fortune. 

(3)  In  this  instance  the  bones  show  both  a foot  and  a head  hole 


DIVIxNATIONS 


283 


on  the  right  and  a head  but  no  foot  hole  on  the  left.  The  reading 
is  “Hsaw  xi  wa  ti  htaw,”  and  the  omen  is  good. 

(4)  In  this  instance  both  the  right  and  left  bones  show  a head 
hole,  the  explanation  is  “Hsaw  xi  wa  hkwa,”  and  the  omen  is  fair. 

(5)  The  bones  show  foot  holes  on  both  sides,  the  explanation 
being  “Shaw  xi  ku  hko  mi.”  The  omen  is  less  than  fair. 

(6)  In  this  instance  the  left  bone  shows  only  one  hole  in  the 
middle,  a most  unfavorable  omen.  The  reading  is  “Hsaw  xi  htaw 
deh  pgha  k’  le.”  Thra  Than  Bya  says  that  in  case  the  bones  have 
no  holes  at  all  it  is  a most  unfavorable  omen ; for  once  in  the 
remote  past  the  signs  read  this  way  when  a certain  king  was  going 
to  war,  and  the  outcome  of  his  campaign  was  an  utter  defeat. 
Hence,  no  one  will  now  undertake  anything,  when  he  gets  this  read- 
ing of  the  bones.® 

If  the  bones  display  any  of  the  unfavorable  omens,  three  more 
attempts  are  made  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  a better  response. 
Supposing  that  the  omen  is  being  taken  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
fate  of  a sick  person  and  none  of  the  four  trials  is  successful,  his 
relatives  and  friends  will  withhold  the  discouraging  information, 
lest  by  telling  it  they  should  hasten  the  patient’s  death.  I am  un- 
able to  give  translations  of  most  of  the  phrases  quoted  above,  for 
they  seem  to  be  in  archaic  language  not  readily  understood  at  the 
present  time.  I am  not  sure  that  the  six  readings  which  I have 
mentioned  exhaust  the  list. 

Captain  C.  E.  Poynder  and  Lieutenant  E.  W.  Garrick  have 
noted  that  in  some  of  the  Bwe  and  Padaung  communities  hairs  or 
bamboo  splinters  are  inserted  in  the  holes  of  the  chicken  bones. 
According  to  Bwe  practice,  if  these  slant  at  the  same  angle  the 
omen  is  regarded  as  being  favorable.  According  to  the  practice 
among  the  Padaung  people,  if  the  inserted  splinters  slant  upwards 
the  sign  is  good,  but  if  inwards  it  is  bad.®  Before  inserting  the 
splinters  to  see  whether  a journey  may  be  undertaken,  the  diviner 
holds  the  bones  up  before  him  and  addresses  them,  saying : 

“0,  you  supernatural  chicken  bones! 

We  are  now  planning  to  go  and  return. 

If  it  is  right  for  us, 

Show  us  a favorable  omen. 

Do  not  let  the  reply  turn  out  bad.” 

In  certain  localities  the  splinters  are  not  inserted  until  the 

® Rev.  T.  Than  Bya,  M.  A.  Karen  Customs,  Ceremonies,  and  Poetry,  p.  42. 

® Capt.  C.  E.  Poynder,  Notes  on  Bwe  Expedition  (Government  Press,  Rangoon)  1894- 
95,  p.  1 ; Lieutenant  E.  W.  Garrick,  Notes  on  Report  of  Bwe  & Padaung  Countries,  1894-5,  p.  11. 


284 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


bones  have  been  spat  upon,  rubbed  with  charcoal,  scraped  all  over 
with  a sickle,  and  the  holes  cleaned  out.  Sometimes  the  wing-bones 
are  used,  but  not  so  generally  as  the  thigh-bones. 

Before  preparing  and  eating  the  feasts  in  honor  of  the  “Bgha,” 
as  has  been  pointed  out  elsewhere,^  the  gall-bladder  of  a pig  is 
examined.  If  it  is  full  and  round,  it  is  evident  that  the  spirits  will 
be  pleased  with  the  offering  and  that  good  fortune,  health,  and 
plenty  will  follow.  This  form  of  divination  is  common  not  only 
among  the  Karen,  but  also  among  the  tribes  of  Malaysia  and 
Borneo.® 

On  occasions  of  little  consequence,  and  perhaps  more  often  now- 
adays than  formerly,  the  Sgaw  resort  to  a form  of  divination  in 
which  a number  of  transverse  marks  are  made  at  random  with  a 
piece  of  charcoal,  which  has  been  spat  upon,  on  a stick  of  wood 
or  a piece  of  bamboo.  When  the  space  allotted  has  been  filled  up, 
the  marks  are  counted  by  twos.  If  it  appears  that  an  even  number 
of  marks  has  been  made,  the  affair  in  hand  will  turn  out  well; 
if  not,  the  same  process  is  gone  through  a second  time  in  the  hope 
of  securing  a different  result.  In  case  this  attempt  also  fails,  the 
project  is  abandoned  for  the  present.  The  use  of  the  charcoal  is 
reminiscent  of  the  charred  remains  of  the  Lost  Book. 

A method  that  is  sometimes  used  to  discover  the  outcome  of 
an  illness  may  be  described  as  follows.  The  diviner  holds  a fresh 
egg  to  his  mouth,  spits  upon  it,  and  says:  “May  this  egg  show  us 
what  is  the  cause  of  the  illness.  If  due  to  the  ‘Bgha,’  may  the  egg 
have  white  streaks  on  its  yolk ; if  due  to  the  ‘th’  re  ta  hka,’  may  it 
have  red  streaks  on  its  yolk ; if  due  to  witchcraft,  may  the  red 
streaks  be  mixed  with  blood.”  After  rubbing  the  sick  person  with 
the  egg,  the  elder  breaks  it  open  in  the  palm  of  his  hand  and  care- 
fully examines  the  yolk  for  one  of  the  signs  he  has  mentioned.  If 
he  observes  any  of  these,  he  prescribes  the  offering  to  be  made  to 
the  spirit  concerned.  If,  however,  the  yolk  discloses  no  particular 
marks,  he  repeats  the  operation  and  this  time  prays  to  “Pa’k’  sa 
Y’wa”  (Father  God)  to  aid  him : “ ‘Pa  k sa  Y’wa,’  this  man  is  sick. 
We  do  not  know  the  reason  for  it.  But  you  are  in  heaven  and  care 
for  all  of  your  children.  As  you  have  prophets,  give  them  a word 
to  say.”  Again  the  egg  is  rubbed  over  the  sick  person,  broken  open, 
and  examined.  A peculiar  appearance  of  the  contents,  described 
to  me  as  consisting  of  two  points  connected  by  fibres  going  around 


" See  Chapter  XXIV  on  Feasts  to  the  “Bgha,”  pp.  251,  252. 

® For  Borneo,  see  Hose  & MacDougall,  The  Fagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  Vol.  II,  60,  IT. 


DIVINATIONS 


285 


the  yolk,  is  supposed  to  show  that  a “ta  na”  (one  of  the  violent  evil 
demons)  has  caused  the  illness  and  that  he  will  be  hard  to  appease. 
If  the  streaks  are  black,  the  patient  is  thought  to  be  doomed  to  die. 

In  practicing  these  various  forms  of  divination  the  Karen,  like 
other  primitive  peoples,  feel  that  they  are  peering  into  the  realm 
of  the  unseen  but  powerful  forces  that  dominate  the  universe.  To 
the  Karen  the  omens  obtained  are  real  revelations,  without  which 
they  dare  not  venture  into  the  future.  When  they  fail  in  their 
undertakings  despite  favorable  omens,  they  believe  that  some  other 
power,  opposed  to  the  one  invoked,  has  held  sway.  Their  concern 
then  becomes  to  win  the  favor  and  assistance  of  this  more  influential 
power  in  their  next  venture. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


TABU 

As  among  the  Polynesians  and  South  Sea  Islanders,  so  also 
among  the  Karen  people,  certain  foods,  animals,  persons,  places, 
days,  names,  etc.,  are  temporarily  or  permanently  prohibited  under 
penalty  of  a curse  falling  upon  those  who  disregard  the  tabu. 
Among  the  Karen  such  prohibitions  (“ta  dii  ta  htu”)  are  most 
commonly  associated  with  marriage,  adultery,  births,  widows  and 
orphans,  portents,  signs  of  bad  luck,  crops,  certain  domestic  ani- 
mals, the  “Bgha”  feasts,  the  names  of  persons,  high  waters,  and 
the  gathering  of  herbs  for  dyestuffs.  The  people’s  fear  of  offending 
powerful  spirits  and  thereby  bringing  calamity  upon  themselves,  is 
at  the  root  of  most,  if  not  all,  of  these  tabus,  which  serve  to  illus- 
trate the  fact  that  primitive  man  does  not  recognize  broad  prin- 
ciples of  conduct,  but  depends  on  precepts  covering  specific 
experiences  in  his  life.  When  asked  why  they  do  not  do  the  tabued 
acts,  most  Karens  content  themselves  with  the  reply,  “Ta  t’  ghe  ba” 
(It  is  not  good).  The  observance  of  these  prohibitions,  which  are 
usually  accompanied  by  certain  sacrifices  or  offerings,  is  a matter 
of  custom  that  has  descended  from  former  generations. 

It  is  evident  that  most  of  the  tabus  are  related  to  the  domestic 
life  and  the  occupations  of  the  people.  Only  in  a few  instances  are 
they  concerned  with  interests  distinctly  tribal.  It  was  formerly 
the  custom  among  the  Red  Karen  for  the  mothers  of  pro- 
spective chiefs  of  the  tribe,  and  for  the  chiefs  themselves,  to  abstain 
from  the  use  of  rice  and  liquor.’  The  tabu  on  the  eating  of  rice  by 
these  persons  is  difficult  to  explain ; but  we  know  that  the  Red 
Karen  use  rice  less  extensively  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  plains, 
yams  and  other  roots  constituting  an  important  part  of  their  diet. 
The  suggestion  has  been  made  that  the  tabu  on  liquor  drinking  by 
the  chiefs  and  their  mothers,  was  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  the 
clearness  of  mind  so  desirable  in  the  leaders  of  the  tribe;  but  it  is 
truer  to  say  that  they  believe  that  by  ascetic  practices  one  may  gain 
unusual  powers — perhaps  magical — either  for  oneself  or,  in  the 
case  of  the  chief,  for  his  people.  When  the  Red  Karen  chiefs  ob- 

^ Upper  Burma  Gazetteer,  Vol.  I,  Part  II.  p.  308. 


286 


TABU 


287 


served  their  tabus  they  prospered,  but  when  they  neglected  them 
they  suffered  adversity,  it  is  alleged. 

Marriage  of  a Karen  with  a person  of  another  race  was  for- 
merly strictly  forbidden.  This  exclusiveness  kept  the  racial  stock 
pure  and  unmixed.  In  recent  times  the  prohibition  has  not  been 
rigorously  enforced.  Hence,  the  barriers  between  the  Karen  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  Burmese  and  Shan  on  the  other  have  been 
somewhat  weakened,  betokening — it  must  be  confessed — a moral 
looseness  that  was  unknown  before.  The  village  elders  have  al- 
ways maintained  that  marriages  outside  of  the  tribe  (“taw  leu 
hko”)  were  not  good,  although  such  unions  have  not  been  lately 
tabued.  Marriages  between  members  of  the  same  tribe  or  of  the 
same  village,  providing  the  parties  concerned  are  not  more  closely 
related  than  cousins,  are  permitted.  To  marry  a relative  closer  than 
a cousin  would  be  incest,  and  all  the  tribes  forbid  such  unions.  On 
the  day  of  a wedding  in  a village  the  inhabitants  are  forbidden  to 
labor. 

Adultery  and  fornication  are  under  strict  tabu,  except  in  the 
Red  Karen  tribe,-  the  belief  among  the  other  tribes  being  that  these 
sins  are  offensive  to  the  “Bgha”  ® and  destroy  the  productiveness 
of  the  fields,  the  “Lords  of  the  earth”  withholding  their  favor  from 
the  crops  when  they  find  that  such  deeds  have  been  committed.  In 
making  their  annual  feast  to  these  deities,  the  Bwe  tribe  formerly 
required  those  who  had  been  guilty  of  uncleanness  during  the  year 
to  confess  their  sins  and  did  not  permit  them  to  come  near  the 
sacrificial  altars. 

A number  of  prohibitions  are  connected  with  birth.  One  of 
the  Sgaw  precepts  forbids  pregnant  women  to  eat  the  flesh  of  the 
curious  monkey-tiger  (Ictides  ater),  bitter  herbs,  and  the  long 
smooth  pod  called  alligator’s  tongue.  Before  the  men  adopted  the 
modern  fashion  of  wearing  their  hair  short,  the  husband  of  a 
woman  who  was  with  child  was  not  permitted  to  trim  his  locks, 
for  fear  of  shortening  the  life  of  his  expected  offspring.  During 
the  first  six  days  following  a birth  the  custom  of  the  Paduang  de- 
nies to  the  father  the  right  of  associating  or  even  speaking  with 
any  one,  except  his  own  family.  He  alone  cares  for  the  mother  and 
child  during  the  period  named. ^ The  purpose  of  thus  secluding  the 
father  is  to  prevent  the  transmission  of  the  danger  and  weakness 

“ See  Dr.  Mason’s  account  in  the  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  1866. 

3 This  is  time  in  those  localities  where  the  “Bgha”  are  regarded  as  the  family  penates. 
In  other  localities,  as  among  the  Bwe,  the  offended  powers  were  the  “lords  of  the  earth.” 

^ Lieutenant  E.  W.  Garrick,  Report  on  Bwe  Expedition,  1894-95,  p.  23. 

^ E.  B.  Cross,  J.  A.  O.  S.  (1854)  Vol.  IV,  293,  ff.  and  D.  C.  Gilmore,  Journ.  Burma 


288 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


of  child-bearing  to  other  members  of  the  village.  MacMahon  states 
that  the  Bwe  husband  of  a newly  delivered  mother  complies  with 
the  custom  of  cutting  fresh  bamboo  joints,  in  which  he  draws 
and  heats  the  water  for  bathing  the  infant,  over  a fire  kindled  by 
himself  in  the  open.  He  then  carries  the  water  to  his  wife’s  room 
up  a new  ladder,  which  he  has  made.  After  his  wife  has  washed  the 
child  or  he  himself,  in  case  she  is  too  weak  to  do  so,  he  hangs  the 
bamboo  joints  under  the  house  and  leaves  them  there  for  six  days 
before  they  may  be  used  again.®  On  the  day  of  the  birth  of  a child, 
or  even  of  a ctomestic  animal,  members  of  the  village  are  forbidden 
to  work.  This  is  the  tabu  of  births  (“ta  dii  ta  ble”). 

In  the  early  times  widows  and  orphans,  as  well  as  persons 
found  to  be  holding  improper  relations,  became  tabu  and  were  ex- 
pelled from  the  village,  in  order  to  keep  other  inhabitants  from 
falling  under  the  vengeance  of  the  evil-working  demon,  whose 
attention  might  be  diverted  from  his  first  victims.  The  driving  of 
these  unfortunates  into  the  jungle  to  live  there  by  themselves,  may 
be  described  as  a kind  of  primitive  quarantine.®  Precaution  of  a 
different  kind  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  requirement  that  a visiting 
stranger  should  enter  and  leave  the  village-house  by  the  same 
ladder.  It  was  also  required  that  the  visitor  must  descend  the 
ladder  while  facing  inwards.  Leaving  the  house  by  a different  way 
from  that  by  which  one  had  entered,  created  suspicion  of  hostile 
intent  among  the  inhabitants  and  might  lead  to  hostilities.  Like 
other  neighboring  peoples,  the  Karen  observe  a tabu  in  regard  to 
women’s  garments,  which  must  not  come  in  contact  with  a man. 
Garments  that  are  put  out  to  dry  must  be  hung  away  from  the  com- 
mon paths  in  some  inconspicuous  place.  Probably  this  custom 
originated  in  the  fear  that  the  supposed  weakness  of  woman  might 
be  communicated  to  the  men.  For  the  same  reason,  evidently,  the 
Brec  tribe  prohibits  married  men  from  taking  part  in  making  the 
coffin  for  a woman  who  has  died  in  child-birth. 

Tabus  connected  with  portents,  such  as  eclipses  of  the  moon, 
earthquakes,  the  cries  of  apes,  and  certain  strange  sounds  in  the 
jungle,  have  a religious  significance  for  the  Karen  and  are  accom- 
panied by  the  prohibition  of  work  for  one  or  more  days.  The  wit- 
nesses of  these  portents  are  seized  with  fear,  drop  their  work,  and 
stand  about  in  helplessness.  This,  undoubtedly,  is  the  normal  be- 
havior of  primitive  people  under  such  circumstances.  They  as- 


® MacMahon,  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese,  p.  319. 
® See  Chapter  XIV  on  Social  Conditions,  pp.  133,  134. 


TABU 


289 


cribe  the  portent  to  some  angry  demon,  who  may  at  any  moment 
impose  a worse  calamity  upon  them  if  they  fail  to  observe  this 
warning.  The  tabu  of  labor,  until  their  fears  have  subsided,  is 
clearly  the  precept  that  would  suggest  itself  to  people  of  deep- 
seated  superstitions.  According  to  Karen  legend,  the  dogs  that 
cause  the  eclipse  of  the  moon  by  eating  that  luminary,  are  colder 
than  water;  while  the  one  that  swallows  the  sun,  is  hotter  than  fire. 
In  order  to  prevent  excessive  heat  or  cold  and  the  sickness  and 
death  that  would  follow,  the  people  must  abstain  from  work  on  the 
days  when  an  eclipse  occurs.  The  Karen  name  for  the  tabu  of  the 
eclipse  is  “ta  dii  ta  yu  mil  ta  yu  la.”  ^ 

The  portent  of  the  earthquake  is  produced  by  the  mythical 
giant,  “Hsi  Ghu,”  when  the  beetle  that  feeds  on  the  refuse  of 
human  beings,  tries  to  deceive  him  into  believing  that  the  human 
race  has  disappeared  from  the  earth.  In  his  wrath  the  giant  shifts 
the  planet  from  one  shoulder  to  the  other,  and  the  people  shout  to 
him  in  consternation:  “We  are  still  here.  We  are  still  here.” 
When,  in  times  past,  the  giant  caught  the  beetle  in  this  trick,  he 
struck  it  in  the  face,  and  the  beetle  has  had  a flat  nose  ever  since. 
At  the  time  of  an  earthquake  the  people  refrain  from  their  work 
for  a day,  in  order  to  help  restore  the  equilibrum  of  the  planet  and 
to  mollify  “Hsi  Ghu.”  This  practice  is  called  the  tabu  of  the  earth- 
quake or  “ta  dii  haw  hko  hu.”  ® 

When  the  apes  howl  it  is  a portent  that  the  goddess  “Ta  La.” 
who  dwells  on  Mount  “Thaw  Thi,”  ® one  of  the  higher  peaks  of  the 
mountain  range  separating  the  Toungoo  district  from  Karenni,  is 
uttering  curses,  which  are  greatly  feared.  In  Shwegyin  the  people 
ascribe  the  falling  of  the  leaves  in  the  latter  part  of  February  to 
her  imprecations  and  refrain  from  work  for  three  days.  They  be- 
lieve that  if  they  failed  to  observe  this  “ta  dii  hpa  taw”  (the  long 
tabu),  their  crops  would  be  ruined. 

The  portent  of  strange  sounds  in  the  jungle  betokens  a com- 
bat between  two  celestial  beings,  one  of  whom,  “Kwe  De,”  hurls  his 
spear  at  the  other.  The  whizz  of  the  weapon  as  it  speeds  through 
the  air  and  its  thud  on  striking  the  ground,  evoke  the  cry,  “Htaw 
law,”  from  those  who  hear  these  startling  sounds.  They  must  stay 
at  home  that  day,  lest  they  should  be  in  danger  from  these  mythical 
spears. 


’’  See  Chapter  VII,  p.  54. 

® See  Chapter  XXII,  p.  230. 
« See  Chapter  XXV,  p.  262. 


290 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A number  of  tabus  are  associated  with  signs  of  bad  luck.  Many 
of  these  signs  are  incidental  to  going  on  journeys.  For  example,  if 
one  sneezes  on  rising  to  start  on  a journey,  or  on  the  way  hears  the 
cry  of  a barking  deer,  or  sees  one  of  these  animals  or  a snake 
crossing  his  path,  or  hears  of  somebody’s  death,  or  sees  a civet-cat 
near  his  path,  he  must  give  up  his  excursion  until  another  day. 
Otherwise,  he  will  meet  with  an  accident,  fall  sick,  or  experience 
some  misfortune  in  his  family.  It  was  once  the  custom  of  those 
who  were  setting  out  on  a trading  journey  to  repeat  the  following 
words : 

“I  am  going  to to  trade. 

0 Snakes,  do  not  cross  my  path. 

0 Barking-deer  and  Rabbits,  do  not  hinder  me. 

1 am  going  across  my  land  and  along  my  path. 

There  are  many  other  paths  on  the  earth. 

O white  Civet-cat,  do  not  hinder  me.” 

If  divination  shows  that  one’s  illness  is  due  to  having  taken  the 
wrong  road  on  a recent  journey,  that  road  rests  under  a tabu  for  a 
period  of  from  four  to  seven  days.  The  branch  of  a tree  is  laid 
across  the  forbidden  trail  where  it  leaves  the  main  path,  and  no  one 
will  enter  it  until  the  tabu  is  lifted.  This  is  called  the  tabu  of  the 
road  (“ta  clii  kleh”).  When  a death  occurs  in  a village,  the  death 
tabu  (“ta  dii  ta  thi  ta  pgha’’)  is  observed  until  the  burial  ceremonies 
are  over.  Children  and  persons  of  weak  constitution  are  kept  from 
witnessing  the  removal  of  a corpse  from  the  village,  inasmuch  as 
their  “k’las’’  are  said  to  be  easily  enticed  away  by  that  of  the  dead 
person.  On  an  elephant  hunt  it  is  forbidden  to  mention  the  name 
of  the  beast,  lest  its  spirit  should  hear  and  take  alarm,  thus  destroy- 
ing the  chance  of  success  in  the  chase.  Instead  it  is  called  “ta  hpa 
do’’  or  “the  great  one.”  Other  signs  of  ill  luck  surely  bring  their 
tabus.  If  one  does  not  return  from  work  on  hearing  the  wildcat’s 
cry,  one  will  die.  No  one  should  live  in  a house  whose  owner  dies, 
or  by  which  a green  pigeon  flew  while  the  house  was  building. 

The  observance  of  certain  tabus  are  regarded  as  conducive  to 
the  production  of  good  crops  or  of  prosperity  in  other  forms.  When 
the  people  have  made  the  offering,  “theh  a hku,”  they  must  refrain 
from  going  into  their  fields  for  seven  days.  Otherwise,  the  demons 
will  follow  them  and  spoil  their  crops.  This  tabu  is  known  as  “ta  dti 
hkii  ta  dii  theh.”  During  the  dark  and  the  full  of  the  moon,  in  Feb- 
ruary and  July,  respectively,  when  people  say  that  “it  is  hot,” 
meaning  that  conditions  are  unfavorable,  they  avoid  work  for 


TABU 


291 


the  purpose  of  improving  the  conditions  and  keeping  their  crops 
from  being  ruined.  Failure  to  observe  this  custom  brings  disap- 
pointment (“f  kle  t htwa”),  for  one’s  labor  will  be  worse  than  use- 
less. On  the  plains,  where  they  prepare  a dirt  threshing-floor  after 
the  Burman  style,  it  used  to  be  prohibited  to  drive  a cart  across  it 
or  to  walk  on  it  with  shoes  on.  In  other  sections,  where  the  thresh- 
ing is  done  on  a great  mat,  no  one  may  step  on  it  but  the  members 
of  the  family  who  take  part  in  the  work.  The  succulent  shoots  of 
vegetables,  which  are  grown  with  the  paddy,  must  not  be  cut  with 
a sharp  knife  or  other  instrument,  inasmuch  as  cutting  would 
endanger  the  “k’la”  or  life  principle  of  the  paddy  and  scare  away 
the  demons  that  preside  over  the  fields.  Both  the  vegetables  and 
their  shoots,  the  latter  being  largely  used  for  greens,  must  be 
plucked  with  the  fingers.  Another  tabu  prevents  the  eating  of 
flesh  during  harvest-time.  Any  family  who  should  transgress  this 
precept  would  find,  it  is  believed,  that  their  supply  of  rice  had 
vanished  from  the  storage  bin. 

The  following  examples  of  tabus  relating  to  domestic  animals 
may  be  cited.  If  a sow  or  bitch  has  a litter  composed  only  of  fe- 
males, they  must  all  be  killed.  When  less  than  three  chicks  are 
hatched  from  a nest  of  eggs,  they  must  be  killed.  So  also  must  the 
chick  whose  down  dries  fast  to  the  feathers  of  the  mother  hen. 
A crowing  hen  is  likewise  doomed  to  death.  These  phenomena  are 
supposed  to  be  signs  of  weakness  in  the  creatures  concerned,  for 
which  some  offended  demon  is  responsible.  Such  weakness  must 
not  be  allowed  to  spread. 

Certain  tabus  contribute  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  fam- 
ily through  the  female  line.  One  of  these  prevents  any  outsider 
from  entering  a house  where  the  family  is  celebrating  the  “Bgha” 
feasts.  Indeed,  a tabu  debars  from  such  gatherings  the  men  who 
have  married  into  the  family,  while  those  who  are  privileged  to 
attend  must  remain  in  the  house  during  the  performance  of  the 
rites. 

On  the  plains,  where  the  Karen  villagers  build  separate  houses 
after  the  manner  of  the  Burmans,  persons  are  forbidden  to  drive 
their  carts  through  the  village  road  close  enough  to  the  houses  to 
bump  against  the  supporting  posts.  This  tabu,  which,  in  the  eyes  of 
a Westerner,  partakes  of  the  nature  of  a town  ordinance,  is  en- 
forced upon  the  offender  by  the  imposing  of  a fine,  namely,  four 
annas  in  money  or  a fowl,  payable  to  the  heads  of  the  household  con- 


292 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


cerned.  In  the  hills  the  money  is  put  in  a hole  in  the  bamboo  ladder 
leading  into  the  house  or,  in  lieu  of  a money  payment,  the  fowl  is 
hung  under  the  house.  Some  persons,  who  have  received  the  fine 
in  the  latter  form,  have  shown  a prejudice  against  eating  it.  I have 
been  told  that  the  British  Government  officials  have  upheld  this 
tabu,  when  the  collection  of  the  fine  has  been  resisted  by  the  offend- 
ing party. 

Perhaps  there  is  no  more  widespread  tabu  among  the  Karen 
people  than  that  of  personal  names. I have  known  some  individuals 
for  years  without  knowing  their  names  and  have  used  the  common 
expedient  of  calling  them  by  the  name  of  their  eldest  son.  A man 
who  seiwed  as  our  cook  for  years  in  the  Baptist  school  at  Tharra- 
waddy  I knew  only  as  “Ba  Gyaw’s  father;”  although  I did  finally 
discover  his  own  personal  name.  For  a boy  to  mention  his  father’s 
name  is  almost  equivalent,  according  to  Karen  ideas,  to  the  son’s 
wishing  his  parent’s  death;  for  the  spirits,  learning  the  latter’s 
identity,  might  destroy  him.  Instead  of  speaking  of  his  wife,  a man 
will  talk  of  the  mother  of  his  children,  or  of  his  oldest  child 
whose  name  he  may  think  it  safe  to  mention.  Not  long  ago  a young 
man  of  good  education,  who  was  engaged  in  filling  his  blank  applica- 
tion for  a marriage  certificate,  was  confronted  with  the  fact  that  he 
was  unable  to  give  his  mother’s  name.  Not  infrequently  parents 
bestow  opprobrious  names  on  their  children,  in  order  to  deceive  the 
demons  into  thinking  them  too  unworthy  to  be  molested. 

During  the  month  of  July,  when  the  streams  are  in  flood,  the 
people  observe  the  tabu  of  the  rising  and  falling  of  the  waters  (“ta 
dii  ta  htaw  ta  law”).  They  refrain  from  labor,  make  an  offer- 
ing of  a fowl  all  of  one  color  on  the  path  near  a stream,  and  utter 
the  following  prayer:  “0  Lord  of  the  great  water  and  the  small 
water,  of  the  oceans  and  the  lakes.  We  are  offering  you  a large 
sweet  fowl  and  sweet  rice.  Flow  in  your  own  banks  as  usual,  so 
that  we  shall  not  be  drowned  or  fall  into  the  water  to  be  devoured 
by  crocodiles  and  dragons.  Watch  over  us  on  our  journeys,  eat 
our  offerings,  and  do  not  molest  us.”  They  then  examine  the  fowl’s 
bones  and  the  gall-bladder  of  a pig,  and,  if  the  omens  are  favorable, 
they  swim  the  stream  three  times.  In  case  no  mishap  occurs,  they 
believe  that  their  offerings  have  been  acceptable  and  that  they  will 
prosper.  If  the  omens  are  not  propitious  the  first  time,  they  try 


See  Chapter  XVIII  on  Birth  Customs  and  Childhood,  p.  170. 


TABU 


293 


A Christian  Karen  Village  School,  Tharrawaddy  District 
A number  of  Burman  boys  from  neighboring  villages  attend  this  school 
in  addition  to  the  Karen  children. 


294 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


a second  time  and  if  necessary  a third,  in  order  to  obtain  a favor- 
able response. 

The  Karen  esteem  the  gall-bladder  of  a certain  variety  of  fish 
as  a valuable  medicine,  but  assert  that  during  the  early  days  of 
August  this  medicinal  organ  becomes  enlarged  and  “hot”  (that  is, 
flabby).  They,  therefore,  consider  it  necessary  to  desist  from 
work,  in  order  to  restore  the  gall-bladder  to  its  normal  condition  and 
efficacy.  During  the  other  months  this  medicine  is  thought  to  be 
strong  and  useful  in  certain  severe  illnesses. 

The  time  for  gathering  the  herbs  of  which  dyestuffs  are  made, 
is  determined  by  divination.  If,  however,  some  one  happens  to 
pick  them  on  a day  found  to  be  unfavorable,  he  becomes  subject 
to  a tabu,  lest  colds  and  coughs  should  spread  throughout  the  village. 
To  prevent  this  epidemic,  the  erring  person  must  cut  a sheaf  of 
tall  grass  and  set  it  up  in  the  ashes  of  his  fireplace,  and  when  the 
other  villagers  come  in  they  must  spit  on  it.  An  elder  then 
takes  up  the  grass,  saying:  “May  all  coughs  and  colds  be  prevented. 
May  we  not  catch  them.”  Next,  he  leads  the  people  out  into  a field, 
where  he  plies  their  heads  and  the  stumps  in  the  field  with  the  sheaf 
until  it  is  broken,  meantime  calling  out:  “Beat  here.  Beat  there. 
Beat  the  tails  of  the  demons  and  woodpeckers.  Do  not  bring  us 
illnesses,  coughs,  or  colds.”  When  he  has  finished,  he  leaves  the 
frayed  grass  against  a stump,  and  they  all  return  to  their  houses. 
Finally,  the  elder  asks  in  a loud  voice:  “Is  every  one  well?”  and  they 
all  shout  back : “All  are  well.”  This  is  repeated  three  times,  after 
which  they  all  shut  their  doors  and  refrain  from  work  during  the 
rest  of  the  day. 

While  all  of  these  numerous  tabus  have  helped  to  nourish  the 
ancient  superstitions  of  the  Karen,  it  is  well  to  remember  that 
some  of  them,  in  the  absence  of  other  social  and  moral  sanctions, 
have  exercised  a beneficial  influence.  Among  the  latter  are 
the  tabus  against  marriage  outside  of  the  tribe,  and  especially  out- 
side of  the  race.  These  tabus  have  been  instrumental  in  maintain- 
ing the  integrity  of  the  various  tribes  and  of  the  people  as  a whole, 
and  in  enabling  the  Karen  to  live  largely  apart  from  the  corrupting 
influences  of  neighboring  peoples.  Other  tabus  have  served  to 
magnify  the  importance  of  the  religious  rites  and  to  enforce  a 
stricter  morality  than  prevails  among  some  primitive  races.  It  is 
obvious  that  these  benefits  have  been  secured  at  a great  economic 
cost,  when  one  considers  the  large  number  of  holidays  which  falls. 


TABU 


295 


to  the  lot  of  the  conscientious  Karen.  These  holidays,  however, 
have  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  sociability  among  the  people, 
for  they  could  spend  them  only  in  sitting  at  home  in  conversation 
and  gossip  with  their  friends  over  the  hospitable  betel-box.  The 
rapid  progress  of  the  race  in  recent  times  has  been  accomplished 
by  the  breaking  down  of  the  validity  of  these  tabus — a thing  that  is 
to  be  commended.  Nevertheless,  the  civilizing  agencies  will  have 
failed  of  performing  an  essential  service,  if  they  do  not  succeed  in 
speedily  creating  a healthy  public  opinion  and  new  social  and  re- 
ligious sanctions  in  their  place,  in  order  to  overcome  the  present 
tendency  towards  moral  slackness. 


Two  Karen  Christian  Pastors 

The  younger  man  (on  the  right)  is  the  pastor  and  manager  of  the  school 
shown  above.  The  other  is  the  son  of  the  first  convert  in  the  Tharra- 
waddy  District. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 


GROWTH  OF  CHRISTIANITY  AMONG  THE  KAREN 

If  one  were  planning  to  start  a movement  to  transform  the  life 
and  religion  of  a race,  one  would  not  be  expected  to  choose  a savage 
bandit — a cutthroat  who  had  taken  part  in  the  murder  of  at  least 
thirty  persons — to  promote  his  enterprise.  But  such  was  the 
first  Karen,  under  the  providence  of  God,  whom  Dr.  Adoniram  Jud- 
son,  the  founder  of  the  American  Baptist  Mission,  undertook  to 
teach. ^ Dr.  Judson  purchased  this  man,  Ko  Tha  Byu,  who  was 
about  to  be  sold  into  slavery  in  payment  for  a debt,  in  the  hope  of 
gaining  access  to  the  Karen,  of  whom  he  had  hitherto  had  only 
fleeting  glimpses.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  bandit  was 
then  in  middle  life,  seemed  to  be  hopelessly  stupid,  and  yielded  at 
times  to  his  diabolical  temper.  Dr.  Judson  was  rewarded  for  his 
months  of  patient  effort  in  trying  to  teach  this  most  unpromising 
pupil  by  seeing  his  mind  begin  to  open.  Ko  Tha  Byu  became  eager 
to  learn  and  gained  the  ability  to  read  the  Burmese  Bible.  His  whole 
life  underwent  a gradual  transformation.  When  the  Rev.  George  D. 
Boardman  went  to  Tavoy  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a mission 
station,  he  took  Dr.  Judson’s  pupil  with  him  and  baptized  him  there 
on  May  16,  1828.  In  this  obscure  way  was  begun  the  movement  that 
has  resulted  in  the  remarkable  growth  of  Christianity  among  the 
Karen  can,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  complete,  which  does  not  con- 
tian  missions  during  the  last  hundred  years.  No  account  of  the 
Karen  can,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  complete  which  does  not  con- 
tain some  mention  of  the  widespread  influence  of  the  Christian 
religion  among  them,  raising  them  from  a humble  position  to  one 
of  importance  and  transforming  them  to  such  an  extent  as  to  cause 
their  Burman  neighbors  to  marvel  greatly  at  the  change. 

^ The  Rev.  Adoniram  Judson.  D.D.,  was  the  first  missionary  of  the  American  Baptist 
Foreign  Mission  Society.  He  landed  in  Burma,  July  13,  1813,  and  began  his  labors  among  the 
Burmese  under  great  difficulties.  His  zeal  as  a Christian  apostle,  his  remarkable  linguistic  at- 
tainments, and  the  terrible  imprisonments  he  endured,  have  given  him  a place  among  the  fore- 
most missionaries  of  modern  times.  While  he  always  maintained  a friendly  and  helpful  attitude 
toward  the  Karen  people,  he  devoted  himself  almost  entirely  to  the  Burmese.  His  compilation 
of  the  Burmese  grammar  and  dictionary  and  his  translation  of  the  whole  Bible  into  Burmese, 
are  among  his  great  contributions  to  the  Christianizing  of  the  country. 


296 


GROWTH  OF  CHRISTIANITY  AMONG  THE  KAREN 


297 


Immediately  after  his  baptism,  Ko  Tha  Byu  set  out  for  the 
Karen  villages  in  the  hills.  He  was  shortly  to  confirm  a tradition, 
then  current  among  the  people,  to  the  effect  that  one  day  their  long 
absent  “white  brother”  would  return  to  them  from  across  the  great 
waters,  bringing  the  Lost  Book  which  they  had  looked  for  with 
unabated  expectation. ^ His  message  of  good  news  was  received  with 
wonder  and  surprise  by  the  elders  in  the  jungles.  Delegations  ac- 
companied him  to  Tavoy  to  see  the  “white  brother”  and  listen  to 
his  teaching.  Among  those  who  came  was  a prophet,  who  a few 
years  before  had  bought  from  a white  sailor  in  Tavoy  a book  that 
he  had  since  regarded  as  a fetish.  On  examination  this  book 
proved  to  be  a Book  of  Common  Prayer;  but  the  elders  accepted  the 
message  of  their  white  brother,  Mr.  Boardman,  as  the  fulfilment  of 
their  own  prophesies,  and  a number  of  them  were  soon  baptized. 
They  wished  to  learn  to  read,  and  Ko  Tha  Byu  became  their  teacher. 
Later  he  traveled  in  the  Moulmein  district,  and  it  was  there  in  1832 
that  Dr.  Wade,  while  engaged  in  reducing  the  Karen  language  to 
writing,  first  learned  to  his  great  surprise  that  the  old  poems  of 
the  Karen  contained  the  “Y’wa”  tradition.^ 

In  1833  Ko  Tha  Byu  removed  to  Rangoon  to  carry  the  good 
news  to  his  countrymen  in  the  Burmese  territory  of  Pegu.  By  the 
end  of  the  first  rainy  season  the  report  had  spread  throughout  the 
jungles  of  this  region,  and  groups  of  Karens  came  in  from  a wide 
area,  some  to  learn  more  about  the  mission  of  the  white  brother  and 
others  to  receive  immediate  baptism  and  admission  into  the  Chris- 
tian Church.  The  movement  grew  apace  and  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Burmese  authorities,  who  forbade  the  Karen  to  come  to 
Rangoon  and  imprisoned  those  whom  they  caught,  among  these 
being  the  influential  young  chief  of  Bassein,  Ko  Shwe  Waing,  who 
was  only  released  through  the  good  offices  of  the  English  resident, 
Mr.  Edwards.® 

Determined  to  carry  back  to  his  people  a few  copies  of  certain 
religious  books  which  had  been  prepared  for  the  Karen,  the  young 
chief  succeeded  in  smuggling  them  out  of  Rangoon.  He  traveled 
by  unfrequented  jungle  trails  and,  on  reaching  home,  hid  the  books 

- The  Karen  Apostle^  or  Memoir  of  Ko  Tha  Byu,  by  Dr.  Mason,  gives  an  interesting  ac- 
count of  this  first  Karen  convert.  Unfortunately  this  book  is  now  out  of  print. 

® Letter  of  the  Rev.  George  Dana  Boardman  in  the  Missionary  Magazine,  Boston,  Mass., 
Jan.,  1830.  p.  22. 

Journal  of  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Wade,  Missionary  Magazine,  May,  1833,  pp.  196,  ff. 

® Rev,  T.  Than  Bya,  The  Karens  and  Their  Progress,  p.  21. 


298 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


in  a bundle  of  old  clothes.  Long  after  nightfall,  stealthily  by  ones 
and  twos,  men  and  women  came  to  his  house.  Guards  were  posted 
outside  of  the  village,  and  the  bundle  was  brought  out  and  un- 
wrapped until,  by  the  dim  light  of  a wick  burning  in  an  earthen  cup 
filled  with  oil,  the  books  were  disclosed,  including  a Bible  that 
was  regarded  as  the  now  recovered  Lost  Book.  At  the  sight  of 
this  unspeakable  treasure  some  of  those  present  bowed  down  and 
worshiped,  others  wept,  some  touched  and  caressed  the  sacred  book, 
some  kissed  it,  and  some  gazed  long  and  curiously  at  its  title.  They 
crowded  around  the  volume  so  thickly  that  the  chief  lifted  it  high 
above  his  head,  in  order  that  all  might  see,  and  all  gazed  at  it  with 
bated  breath.  They  had  been  permitted  to  witness  the  return  of 
their  book,  and  they  believed  that  they  were  no  longer  to  be  mem- 
bers of  a despised  nation.® 

The  years  just  preceding  the  annexation  of  Pegu  by  the  British 
Empire,  were  hard  ones  for  the  Karen  Christians.  Their  faith  was 
severely  tested  by  persecutions.  Thra  Klaw  Meh,  pastor  of  a Bas- 
sein  church,  and  the  converts  of  his  village  were  imprisoned  for 
their  acceptance  of  the  new  religion.  Their  friends  collected  a 
handsome  sum  for  their  ransom,  and  all  but  the  pastor  were  re- 
leased. He  was  ordered  to  give  up  preaching,  but,  refusing  to  do  so, 
was  subjected  to  torture  for  days  and  finally  was  disemboweled  and 
shot.  Others  were  much  persecuted,  many  suffering  martyrdom 
both  before  and  after  the  Second  Burmese  War.'^  Until  Pegu  was 
annexed  by  the  British  Government  in  1853,  no  missionaries  were 
allowed  to  remain  permanently  in  Lower  Burma.  Hitherto  the 
work  for  Bassein  had  been  directed  by  the  Rev.  E.  A.  Abbott  and 
his  associates  from  Sandoway,  in  Arracan,  and  that  for  Rangoon 
and  vicinity  had  been  supervised  from  Moulmein.  But  as  soon  as 
the  country  was  opened  to  resident  missionaries.  Dr.  J.  H.  Vinton 
removed  to  Rangoon  and  established  the  headquarters  of  the  mis- 
sion there,  near  Mission  Road,  where  his  descendants  are  still  super- 
vising the  activities  of  some  ten  thousand  Karen  Christians.  The 
Rev.  E.  A.  Abbott  removed  to  Bassein  and  put  the  mission  work  of 
that  district  on  a permanent  and  self-supporting  basis.  He  has 

® Thra  Than  Bya,  then  a little  boy,  went  with  his  mother  to  see  the  Book  on  this  notable 
occasion. 

" In  the  Rangoon  district  Thra  Ng  Lay  escaped  martyrdom  only  through  the  accession  of 
a new  governor,  whose  first  official  act  was  to  release  him  on  the  eve  of  his  execution  day. 
However,  persecution  did  not  deter  such  men  or  their  descendants  from  becoming  preachers. 
Both  Thra  Klaw  Meh  and  Thra  Ng  Lay  have  had  sons  in  the  ministry,  and  their  grandsons 
have  since  been  in  the  Theological  Seminary  at  Rangoon,  preparing  for  the  same  calling. 


GROWTH  OF  CHRISTIANITY  AMONG  THE  KAREN 


299 


Kap.kn  Theological  Students 

The  one  on  the  left  is  the  grandson  of  Thra  Klaw  Meh,  Karen  martyr, 
and  the  other  of  Thra  Ng  Lay,  who  narrowly  escaped  martyrdom. 


300 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


been  succeeded  by  several  able  missionaries,  including  Dr.  C.  A. 
Nichols,  the  present  superintendent,  under  whose  direction  certain 
industries  have  been  started,  including  a saw-mill,  a rice-mill,  and  a 
launch-building  plant.  Twelve  other  important  centers  for  work 
among  the  Karen  were  established  by  the  American  Baptist  Mis- 
sion. The  founding  and  conduct  of  churches  and  schools  have  been 
carried  on  in  and  from  all  of  these  centers.  In  1853  Dr.  Francis 
Mason  finished  his  admirable  version  of  the  Bible  in  Sgaw  Karen. 
Meantime,  Dr.  Jonathan  Wade  was  engaged  in  preparing  diction- 
aries and  a grammar  of  the  Sgaw  and  Pwo  dialects.  The  Bible  was 
also  translated  into  Pwo  Karen  by  the  Rev.  D.  L.  Brayton.  A 
Karen  Theological  Seminary  was  organized  by  the  Rev.  J.  G.  Bin- 
ney  in  1845  at  Moulmein.  This  institution  was  later  removed  to 
Rangoon  and  still  later  to  its  present  location  in  Insein,  where  the 
Rev.  D.  A.  W.  Smith,  D.D.,  served  for  many  years  as  its  president. 
The  Baptist  college  at  Rangoon,  now  called  Judson  College,  has 
served  the  Karen  young  people,  both  men  and  women,  since  its 
organization  in  1875. 

Careful  statistics  do  not  appear  to  have  been  kept  during  the 
early  years  of  the  Baptist  Mission,  and  it  is,  therefore,  difficult  to 
discover  how  many  of  the  Karen  became  Christians.  In  1856  eleven 
thousand,  eight  hundred  and  seventy-eight  communicants  were  re- 
ported, but  this  number  includes  many  estimated  returns.  From 
that  time  on  there  has  been  an  almost  steady  increase  in  the  mem- 
bership of  the  Baptist  Mission,  which  numbered  in  1919  fifty-five 
thousand,  three  hundred  and  fifty-Jhree  communicants  enrolled  in 
Karen  churches,  representing  a nominal  Christian  community  of 
two  hundred  thousand  souls.®  In  this  same  year  there  were  nine- 
teen thousand,  four  hundred  and  twenty  pupils  in  the  Karen  mission 
schools,  including  both  the  Anglo-vernacular  and  the  village-ver- 
nacular schools,  the  converts  contributing  375,426  rupees  or  $125,- 
142  toward  the  maintenance  of  these.  Not  only  do  the  Karen 
Christians  contribute  to  the  support  of  their  schools,  but  also  to 
that  of  their  churches  and  pastors.  For  this  purpose  they  expended 
38,596  rupees  or  $12,856  in  1919.  In  the  same  year  they  gave  to 
benevolences  outside  of  their  own  fields  152,203  rupees  ($50,734) 
for  home  and  foreign  missionary  work  and  184,627  rupees  ($61,532), 
making  a total  of  375,426  rupees  or  $125,122  for  all  purposes. 


® Annual  Report,  American  Baptist  Foreign  Mission  Society,  1919,  p.  195. 


GROWTH  OF  CHRISTIANITY  AMONG  THE  KAREN 


301 


Apart  from  the  generous  sums  of  money  which  the  Karen 
Christians  give,  many  of  the  men  who  have  been  trained  in  the 
schools  have  manifested  the  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  by  going  out  to 
the  more  distant  tribes  and  some  even  into  China,  despite  their  small 
pay,  in  order  to  carry  the  Gospel  and  its  civilizing  influence  to  the 
people  in  those  regions. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Mission  began  its  labors  among  the  Karen 
in  the  forties  of  the  last  century  at  Myaungmya,  near  Twante,  in 
Palaw  township,  Mergul  district,  and  at  Bassein.  About  two 
thousand  persons  were  baptized.  It  was  not,  however,  until  the 
arrival  of  Bishop  Biganget  that  the  work  of  converting  the  Karen 
was  undertaken  in  earnest,  and  it  has  been  continued  ever  since. 
In  1919  there  were  seventeen  stations  under  the  charge  of  resident 
priests  and  approximately  twenty-five  thousand,  three  hundred  and 
fifty  converts,  including  infants.®  At  many  of  these  stations  schools 
are  conducted,  which  together  enroll  a large  number  of  Karen  chil- 
dren. 

The  Church  of  England  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  entered  the  field  at  Toungoo  in  1871,  taking  over  some  three 
thousand  members  of  the  Baptist  Mission.  The  work  has  been 
carried  on  from  that  city,  where  two  separate  missions  are  main- 
tained. Early  in  1919  the  Anglican  Bishop  of  Rangoon  wrote  that 
“the  total  number  of  Christian  people  (in  the  Toungoo  region)  is 
about  five  thousand.  Of  these  sixteen  hundred  are  communicants. 
About  six  hundred  are  under  instruction  with  a view  to  baptism. 
The  Karens  contributed  about  £250  to  the  funds  of  the  two  missions 
during  the  year.”  About  fifty  boys  and  the  same  number  of  girls 
are  boarders  in  the  Toungoo  schools.  The  number  of  pupils  in 
village  schools  is  not  available. 

While  the  figures  given  above  supply  a certain  index  to  the 
success  of  the  missions  among  the  Karen  people,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  they  do  not  illuminate  particular  features  that  have 
become  an  important  part  of  modern  mission  work.  The  most 
significant  of  these  features  are  the  education  of  the  children,  the 
training  of  the  men  to  become  intelligent  leaders  in  their  communi- 
ties, and  the  inculcation  among  the  women  of  better  ideals  as  home- 
keepers,  all  contributing  to  the  elevation  of  the  people.  If  these 
results  are  not  measurably  attained  by  the  mission  work  at  the 

® Notes  on  the  Roman  Catholic  Mission  in  South  Burma  by  the  secretary  of  the  Diocese, 
dated  Moulmein,  March  3,  1919. 

Letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Rangoon,  dated  Rangoon,  February  12,  1919. 


302 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A Christian  Village  School,  Pbome  District 
There  are  more  than  a thousand  village  chapels  in  Karen  villages 
throughout  Burma,  built  entirely  by  the  villagers  themselves. 


The  Chapel  and  Schoolhouse  of  the  American  Baptist 
Mission  High  School,  Tharrawaddy  District 
One-fourth  the  cost  of  this  building  was  contributed  by  the 
Karen  Christians  of  the  district. 


GROWTH  OF  CHRISTIANITY  AMONG  THE  KAREN 


303 


present  time,  it  is  regarded  as  falling  short  of  its  proper  aims. 
When  the  people  have  realized  sufficient  growth  and  stability  in 
Christian  character  and  have  gained  the  breadth  of  vision  to  enable 
them  to  assume  leadership  in  their  religious  affairs,  it  will  be 
time  for  the  white  teachers  to  allow  them  to  undertake  the  respon- 
sibility. In  the  past  it  has  been  too  much  the  custom  to  place  undue 
emphasis  on  creed  and  dogma.  The  development  of  character 
through  Christian  experience  is  the  primary  object  to  be  attained, 
and  without  the  formation  of  admirable  character  no  abiding  re- 
sult can  be  achieved.  The  Baptist  Mission — I can  not  speak  for  the 
others,  although  they  may  maintain  similar  ideals — demands  total 
abstinence  and  the  surrender  of  all  animistic  religious  practices  as 
prerequisites  for  church-membership.  The  Baptist  denomination 
is  convinced  that  these  requirements  have  been  the  means  of  social 
and  economic  progress,  although  the  enforcement  of  them  has  tended 
to  limit  the  growth  in  numbers.  No  doubt,  much  may  still  be  done  in 
the  way  of  character-building  among  the  members  of  the  churches ; 
but  when  we  consider  the  environment  of  the  people  and  the  fact 
that  they  have  had  less  than  a century  of  Christian  development, 
may  we  not  say  that  they  have  made  remarkable  progress. 


CHAPTER  XXX 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  KAREN  RACE 

Although  the  Karen  tribes  have  probably  lived  in  Burma  and 
Siam  for  more  than  a thousand  yeai's,  in  company  with  the  Bur- 
mese, Shan,  Siamese,  and  Chin,  occupying  no  territory  that  they 
did  not  share  with  other  people  except  the  hills  of  Toungoo  and 
Karenni,  they  have  remained  curiously  isolated.  Politically  sub- 
ordinate to  the  ruling  races  in  the  countries  in  which  they  had 
settled,  except  in  the  last  named  localities,  they  were  subjected 
to  oppression  and  exploitation,  which  they  could  resent  only  to  the 
extent  of  local  raids  against  poorly  defended  villages  or  of  occasional 
assaults  upon  stray  foes  caught  in  the  lonely  jungle  or  in  outlying 
districts.  The  inevitable  result  of  these  conditions  was  mutual 
hatred  of  the  races,  which  was  intensified  on  the  side  of  the  Bur- 
mese by  their  feeling  of  contempt  for  the  subject  race;  while 
the  enforced  clannishness  of  the  Karens  drew  sustenance  from 
the  conviction  that  their  “golden  age”  lay  in  the  past,  and  that 
the  customs  and  precepts  which  they  had  inherited  from  the  match- 
less elders  of  that  age  were  not  to  be  changed.  There  was  nothing 
in  the  religion  or  life  of  the  Burmese  that  appealed  to  the  Karen, 
even  if  it  had  been  offered  to  them — certainly  nothing  from  which 
they  could  expect  any  amelioration  of  their  condition.  Progress 
was  almost  impossible  to  people  so  situated,  who  could  only  look 
vaguely  into  the  future  for  the  deliverer,  the  “white  brother,” 
whose  coming  was  foretold  in  their  traditions. 

The  acquisition  by  the  British  East  India  Company  in  1827  of 
the  provinces  of  Arracan  and  Tenasserim,  on  the  western  and  south- 
ern coasts  of  Burma,  respectively,  made  little  impression  on  the 
Karen  at  the  time,  although  it  was  the  beginning  of  a new  era  in 
their  history  and  that  of  Burma — one  in  which  the  ideals  of  justice 
and  fair  play  were  to  become  increasingly  operative.  Christian 
missionaries  were  beginning  their  labors  in  the  country  at  the  same 
time,  thus  making  possible  the  spiritual  emancipation  to  which  the 
Karen  had  looked  forward.  The  significance  of  these  events  lay 
in  a double  revelation,  which  the  missionaries  first  imparted. 


304 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  KAREN  RACE 


305 


Schoolgirls  at  Calisthenics,  Tharrawaddy  Karen  High  School 


Schoolboys  Lined  Up  for  Drill 

This  school  of  about  five  hundred  pupils  has  both  Karen  and  Burman  pupils  working 
side  by  side,  as  in  many  schools  in  the  country. 


306 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


That  the  Karen  were  eager  for  a change  of  administration  is 
shown  by  several  circumstances.  In  the  first  expedition  of  the 
English  forces  against  Ava  in  1826  they  served  as  guides  and  were 
commended  for  their  good  faith  by  Major  Snodgrass.^  In  the  prov- 
inces that  fell  under  British  control  they  found  themselves  sympa- 
thetically dealt  with  and  soon  began  to  take  on  new  ways;  but  in 
the  province  of  Pegu,  where  the  old  regime  of  Ava  still  held  sway, 
they  continued  to  suffer  from  oppression.  They  wei’e  prohibited 
from  visiting  their  teachers  in  Rangoon,  and  the  Burmese  viceroy 
of  the  city  threatened,  even  as  late  as  1851,  to  shoot  instantly  the 
first  Karen  whom  he  should  find  capable  of  reading.-  In  the  Second 
Burmese  War  (1852)  they  are  reputed  to  have  again  acted  as  guides 
to  the  attacking  force,  which  took  the  Shwe  Dagon  Pagoda,  the 
most  formidable  military  work  near  Rangoon,  by  assault  in  the 
rear.®  The  Burmese  knew  that  the  Karen  regarded  the  English 
as  their  deliverers  and  took  vengeance  on  them  accordingly,  burn- 
ing all  their  villages  within  fifty  miles  of  Rangoon,  seizing  or  de- 
stroying their  stores  of  rice,  and  putting  men,  women,  and  children 
to  death  in  barbarous  ways.^  No  wonder  that  a large  number  of 
the  oppressed  and  persecuted  people  migrated  from  the  delta  of  the 
Irrawaddy  to  Moulmein,  or  across  the  Arracean  hills  into  those 
provinces  where  they  could  dwell  in  security.  Even  under  British 
rule  conditions  were  not  what  they  might  have  been,  for  there  were 
frequent  miscarriages  of  justice  on  account  of  the  employment  of 
Burmese  officers  in  subordinate  and  local  positions.® 

Nevertheless,  the  new  order  of  things  in  Burma  has  brought 
progress  in  many  respects.  The  continual  raids  and  forays,  which 
previously  devastated  numerous  Karen  villages,  have  been  stopped. 
The  administration  of  justice  has  been  taken  out  of  the  hands  of 
private  individuals  and  placed  in  those  of  accredited  officials. 
Marked  progress  in  education  has  been  made.  A new  literature  in 
the  vernacular  has  come  into  circulation.  Christianity  has  made 
a strong  appeal  to  the  Karen.  Finally,  in  the  World  War  the  people 
again  showed  their  loyalty  to  the  British  Empire  by  offering  their 
services  in  its  defense.  Such  of  these  topics  as  have  not  been 

^Major  Snodgrass,  N arrative  of  the  Burmese  War,  pp.  140,  142. 

- Calista  V.  Luther.  The  Vintons  and  the  Karens,  p.  30. 

3 I have  repeatedly  heard  the  statement  that  Karens  served  as  guides  in  this  war,  but  I 
can  not  verify  it  by  reference  to  any  work  at  hand. 

* Calista  V.  Luther,  The  Vintons  and  the  Karens,  pp.  89,  90,  92,  n. 

® For  instances  of  miscarriage  of  justice,  see  Mason,  Burmat  pp.  610-618  ; Smeaton,  The 
Loyal  Karens  of  Burma.  I regret  that  similar  instances  are  not  hard  to  find,  even  at  the 
present  day. 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  KAREN  RACE 


307 


treated  elsewhere  in  this  volume  will  be  briefly  discussed  in  the 
following  paragraphs. 

The  cessation  of  open  hostilities  between  the  Karen  and  the 
Burmese  has  largely  mitigated  the  old  animosity  existing  between 
them.  Where  members  of  the  two  races  live  in  close  proximity, 
however,  some  friction  is  still  produced.  Nevertheless,  the  Karen’s 
dislike  of  their  neighbors  is  not  so  great  as  to  prevent  many  of 
those  living  on  the  plains  from  adopting  Burmese  ways  and  speech. 
They  do  this  not  out  of  admiration  for  things  Burmese,  but  because 
of  the  prevalence  of  Burmese  culture  and  in  order  to  avoid  the  ap- 
pearance of  rusticity  that  marks  those  who  fail  to  conform.  Some 
not  only  wear  the  dress  of  the  Burmese  and  speak  their  language 
— always  with  more  or  less  of  an  accent — but  also,  except  the  Chris- 
tians, go  to  the  pagodas  and  participate  in  Burmese  feasts.  A num- 
ber of  wealthy  Karens,  who  have  moved  into  the  larger  Burmese 
towns  along  the  railway  line  and  live  there  in  Burmese  style,  have 
to  all  appearances  lost  their  racial  identity.  In  many  cases  those 
who  have  copied  the  manners  of  their  neighbors,  experience  a decid- 
ed weakening  of  their  old  religious  faith  and  its  moral  restraints, 
being  led  into  evil  ways  by  Burmans  of  the  less  respectable  classes, 
with  whom  they  fraternize. 

The  first  experiment  of  the  British  in  the  administration  of 
justice  among  the  Karen,  was  not  successful.  It  consisted  in  ap- 
pointing certain  influential  Karen  chiefs  to  serve  as  magistrates  for 
their  people.  This  plan  was  unsatisfactory  because  some  of  the 
appointees  were  reluctant  to  assume  authority,  and  also  because  the 
different  tribes  were  much  intermingled.  It  was,  therefore,  de- 
cided to  try  the  cases  of  Karens,  like  those  of  the  members  of  the 
other  races,  in  the  ordinary  courts.  While  this  method  is  correct 
in  principle  and  an  improvement  in  practice,  it  has  not  always  been 
administered  by  representatives  of  the  English  nation  or  in  the 
spirit  of  British  justice.  A closer  supervision  of  the  courts  is  need- 
ed to  curb  the  prejudices  sometimes  manifested  by  the  local  mag- 
istrates. 

The  progress  of  the  Karen  in  education  has  been  very  marked. 
Their  “Lost  Book”  having  been  restored  to  them  by  their  “white 
brother”  in  the  person  of  the  Christian  missionary,  they  have  been 
most  eager  to  learn  to  read  it.  This  has  been  true  from  the  early 
years  of  missionary  activity.  Before  the  British  had  established 
orderly  government  in  Burma,  one  American  missionary  had  pupils 
in  her  school  in  Moulmein  almost  every  year  who  came  over  two 


308 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


A Karen  Teacher  and  Lahu  Boys 
The  man  in  the  long  garment  is  a Sgaw  Karen,  who  is  a 
missionary  in  the  North  Shan  States  among  the  Lahu 
people.  He  has  brought  three  pupils  to  Lower  Burma 
with  him. 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  KAREN  RACE 


309 


hundred  miles  through  the  jungles  by  night,  “not  daring  to  travel 
by  day,”  for  the  sake  of  learning  to  read  the  Bible  in  their  own 
tongue. “ The  number  of  mission  and  Government  schools  began  to 
increase  rapidly,  being  scattered  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  Every 
Christian  church  had  its  accompanying  school,  and  in  recent  years 
many,  if  not  most,  of  the  non-Christian  villages  have  come  to  have 
their  schools  also.  The  early  Christian  teachers,  realizing  the  dan- 
gers lurking  in  the  new  conditions,  began  aright  by  teaching  self- 
control,  as  well  as  the  usual  subjects,  infusing  the  whole  educa- 
tional movement  with  moral  purpose.  The  result  has  been  more 
than  gratifying.  “It  is  not  often  given,”  says  Mr.  D.  M.  Smeaton, 
late  Chief  Commissioner  of  Burma,  “to  witness  such  a remarkable 
development  of  national  character  as  has  taken  place  among  the 
Karens  under  the  influence  of  Christianity  and  good  government.” 
Another  observer  adds:  “Where  only  a few  years  ago  were  tribal 
wars,  child-stealing,  house-burning,  and  savagery,  now  are  quiet, 
orderly  villages,  each  with  its  preacher  and  teacher,  chapel  and 
school.” 

The  Fifth  Quinquennial  Report  on  Public  Education  in  Burma, 
covering  the  years  1913-1917,  inclusive,  gives  the  number  of  Karen 
children  in  school  as  34,896,  an  increase  of  twenty-five  percent  over 
the  total  for  the  previous  five-year  period.  This  number  is  about 
three  percent  of  the  total  Karen  population.  The  figures  for  the 
Burmese  are  not  given.  Judging,  however,  from  the  number  of 
Buddhist  school  children,  which  is  531,541  and  includes  the  children 
of  some  Karens  and  most  of  the  Shan,  while  excluding  those  of  a 
few  Bunnans,  the  Burmese  have  under  six  percent  of  their  popu- 
lation in  school.  The  Shan  have  5,730  school  children,  or  about  one- 
half  of  one  percent  of  their  population.® 

From  their  village  school  the  children,  boys  and  girls,  go  to  the 
mission  boarding-school  at  the  district  or  mission  headquarters 
or  to  some  neighboring  Government  school,  where  they  learn 
English  and,  if  they  progress  so  far,  prepare  for  college.  A con- 
siderable number  of  Karen  young  men  and  a few  young  women  are 
college  graduates  and  are  leading  useful  lives  in  various  communi- 
ties, as  may  be  seen  by  looking  over  the  list  of  officers  in  Govern- 
ment positions  in  the  Education,  Forest,  Police,  Military,  and  sub- 
ordinate branches ; while  others  are  doing  well  in  business  and  the 

® Calista  V.  Luther,  The  Vintons  and  the  Karens,  pp.  82,  83. 

” H.  P.  Cochrane,  Among  the  Bnrmans,  pp.  278,  279. 

® Fifth  Quinquennial  Report  on  Public  Education  in  Burma  (for  the  years  1912-13  to 
1916-17),  p.  28. 


310 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


professions.  Perhaps  the  most  prominent  Karen,  the  Hon.  Dr.  San 
C.  Po,  is  a physician,  graduate  of  an  American  medical  college,  who 
has  served  for  several  years  in  the  Legislative  Council  of  the 
province  of  Burma,  being  the  first  member  of  his  race  to  be  thus 
honored. 

With  the  progress  of  Christianity  and  education  has  come  liter- 
ature. As  soon  as  the  Karen  language  had  been  reduced  to  writing, 
the  missionaries  began  to  prepare  books  for  the  people.  In  this 
work  they  have  been  assisted  by  a number  of  educated  Karens. 
Thus  far  these  translators  have  provided  in  the  vernacular  the 
Bible,  a few  plays  of  Shakespeare,  Pilgrim’s  Progress,  the  Arabian 
Nights,  and  short  stories  and  pamphlets  in  large  number.  Dr. 
Wade,  with  the  aid  of  Saw  Kau  Too,  has  compiled  The  Karen  The- 
saurus, a vernacular  encyclopedic  dictionary  of  language  and  cus- 
toms in  four  volumes,  which  is  a work  of  great  value.  Christian 
literature,  in  the  form  of  commentaries  and  text-books  of  various 
kinds,  has  been  largely  supplied  by  Dr.  E.  B.  Cross,  Dr.  D.  A.  W. 
Smith,  and  the  Rev.  T.  Than  Bya,  D.D.  An  admirable  collection  of 
hymns  has  been  brought  together,  including  both  some  of  the  Eng- 
lish favorites  and  some  original  hymns  composed  by  Karens  as  well 
as  by  missionaries.  The  largest  number  in  the  collection  by  one 
writer  is  by  Mrs.  J.  H.  Vinton.  Of  the  seven  or  eight  vernacular 
newspapers  and  monthly  periodicals  all  but  one  or  two  are  under 
native  management.  The  “ Daivkula”  (Karen  National  News)  is  a 
biweekly,  the  others  being  monthlies,  of  which  the  Karen  Morning 
Star,  founded  by  Dr.  Francis  Mason  at  Tavoy  in  1841,  has  had  a 
continuous  existence  and  is  the  oldest  vernacular  periodical  in 
southeastern  Asia. 

The  American  Baptist  Mission  Press  at  Rangoon  has  been  from 
its  establishment  the  headquarters  for  Karen  printing.  Karen  type 
wei’e  first  manufactured  here  and  the  first  pages  struck  off  in  the 
new  characters.  Here  also  the  linotype  machine  has  been  adapted 
to  vernacular  use.  Other  Karen  presses  are  in  operation  at  Bassein 
and  Toungoo. 

At  the  time  of  the  Third  Burmese  War  (1885),  when  the  Karen 
were  suffering  from  brigandage  which  threatened  to  devastate  the 
whole  country,  certain  leaders  of  the  race  began  a movement  to 
develop  a national  spirit  among  the  people,  who  had  always  been 
clannish  and  provincial.  Some  progress  was  made  immediately 
after  the  war  through  the  formation  of  Karen  levies,  without  which 
the  province  could  scai’cely  have  been  brought  back  to  a state  of 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  KAREN  RACE 


311 


good  order.  At  length  the  Karen  National  Association  (“Daw  k’ 
lu,”  meaning  literally  “the  whole  race”)  was  organized.  All  the 
districts  in  which  the  Karen  live  were  represented  at  its  first  meet- 


Rev.  Thra  Maung  Yin,  of  Bassein 
He  held  the  rank  of  honorary  havildar  in  the  Karen  battalion  of 
the  Burma  Rifles,  1917-1920,  and  was  most  highly  commended  by 
his  commanding  officers  for  his  wholesome  influence  as  a religious 
teacher. 


ing,  a few  non-Christians  attending,  although  the  leaders  were 
Christians.  The  aim  of  the  association  was  simply  to  promote  the 
economic  and  educational  interests  of  the  people,  as  well  as  to  plan 
for  their  representation  at  public  functions,  such  as  on  the  occasion 
of  viceregal  visits.  Funds  have  been  raised  for  these  purposes,  but. 


312 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


unfortunately,  through  mismanagement,  have  not  proved  to  be  per- 
manent. During  the  World  War  the  association  served  as  a mouth- 
piece for  the  expression  of  the  loyalty  of  the  race  and  did  some 
active  work  in  recruiting.  It  furthered  the  sending  of  deputations 
to  meet  the  Montague  Commission  and  later  sent  a rather  ill- 
advised  delegation  to  England  to  promote  the  national  interests, 
which  have  been  so  much  emphasized  as  a result  of  the  world  con- 
flict. 

The  military  activities  of  the  Karen  have  been  largely  confined 
in  the  past  to  village  raids.  There  have  been  times  when  there 
was  a prospect  that  a real  leader  might  arise  to  unite  a large  group 
of  villages  into  a kind  of  state  and  carry  on  warfare  on  a large 
scale.  One  such  attempt  was  made  by  a Karen,  of  Martaban  or 
Shwegyin,  who  assumed  the  Burmese  title  of  “Niin  Laung”  or 
Coming  Prince — a favorite  title  with  rebellious  members  of  the 
Burmese  court  who  tried  to  ursurp  the  throne.  This  adventurer 
organized  a religio-political  movement  among  his  compatriots 
throughout  the  region  from  Siam  to  Bassein.  They  expected  him  to 
fulfil  a prophecy  to  the  effect  that  the  Karen  would  drive  out  the 
foreigners  and  establish  a new  dynasty  at  Pegu.  However,  this 
rebellion  was  soon  put  down  and  its  leaders  were  driven  into  Kar- 
enni,  where  they  disappeared.® 

The  Karen  levies,  which  did  so  much  to  re-establish  peace 
throughout  the  province  of  Burma  after  the  Third  Burmese  War, 
and,  for  the  most  part  under  their  missionaries  as  officers  and  with 
but  little  military  organization,  captured  some  of  the  dacoit  lead- 
ers after  scattering  their  followers,  rendered  a service  deserving 
of  more  credit  than  it  received  at  the  time.  Local  and  racial  feeling 
was  still  running  too  high,  and  official  circles  did  not  always  under- 
stand the  situation  fully. 

Soon  after  these  services,  which  were  rendered  by  most  of  the 
Karens  gratuitously  and  with  arms  which  they  had  paid  for,  ma- 
licious rumors  were  circulated  that  these  men  were  of  doubtful 
loyalty.  The  result  was  that  they  were  divested  of  their  arms 
and  given  no  compensation  whatever.  It  still  remained  true,  how- 
ever, that  they  had  saved  their  homes,  protected  the  honor  of  their 

® British  Burma  Gazetteer^  Vol.  1,  p.  488  ; Imperial  Gazetteer,  Burma,  Vol.  I,  p.  335  ; Lieut. 
Gen.  A.  Fytche,  C.  S.  I.,  Burma,  Past  and  Present,  Vol.  I.  Ch.  3,  quoted  in  an  article  entitled 
“The  Karens”  in  the  Rangoon  Gazette  of  June  6,  1917. 

For  an  account  of  the  capture  of  Bo  Hline,  the  notorious  dacoit,  in  Toungoo,  see  the 
closing  chapters  of  Cumming’s  In  the  Shadow  of  the  Pagoda.  These  chapters  are  quoted  in 
Dr.  Bunker’s  Soo  Tha,  pp.  248-276.  The  murderers  of  Mr.  Barbe.  the  deputy  commissioner  of 
Bassein,  were  apprehended  by  the  Karen  levy  in  that  district. 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  KAREN  RACE 


313 


wives  and  daughters,  and  rendered  an  important  service  to  the 
Government,  the  fruits  of  which  have  not  yet  disappeared.  After 
all  their  long  suffering  and  patient  endurance  this  experience  was 
a hard  one,  to  which  they  should  not  have  been  subjected. “ 


Karen  Military  Police 

These  men  were  a part  of  a squad  who  shot  some  notorious  dacoits  in  the  Insein 
District,  1917.  They  are  all  from  Toungoo  District. 


Meantime,  a battalion  of  the  Karen  Military  Police  had  been 
organized  and  was  rendering  service  to  the  Government.  It  re- 
mained a separate  unit  until  1899.  At  that  time  an  unfortunate 
affair,  in  which  liquor  played  a prominent  part,  resulted  in  the  dis- 
persion of  the  battalion,  the  companies  that  were  retained  being 
sent  into  different  sections  of  the  province.  These  surviving  com- 
panies have  not  failed  to  give  a good  account  of  themselves,  for 
example,  in  scattering  within  the  last  few  years  the  dacoits  in  the 
Okkan  region  of  the  Insein  district  and  also  in  the  Bassein  district. 

This  statement  is  based  on  correspondence  between  members  of  the  American  Baptist 
Mission  and  the  Secretary  to  the  Government  carried  on  at  the  time. 


314 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


At  the  outbreak  of  the  World  War  in  1914  the  loyalty  of  the 
Karen  people  manifested  itself  in  the  large  number  of  applications 
to  enter  military  service  in  defense  of  the  Empire.  Some  of  the 
applications  were  made  through  the  author.  None  was  accepted 
at  the  time,  for  the  Government  had  not  yet  adopted  the  policy  of 
recruiting  in  Burma.  Later,  when  this  was  done,  the  response  on 
the  part  of  the  Karens  was  not  equaled  by  that  of  any  of  the  neigh- 
boring races.  However,  the  number  of  Karens  taken  into  the 
service  was  limited.  In  the  Burma  Rifles,  the  one  regiment  re- 
cruited in  the  province,  of  a total  of  sixteen  companies  three  were 
Karen ; one,  Shan ; one,  Arracanese,  and  the  others,  Burmese.  Kar- 
ens were  in  all  the  other  regiments  in  about  the  same  propor- 
tion.^^ In  the  Sappers  and  Miners,  the  first  unit  to  leave  the  coun- 
try for  duty  abroad,  the  highest  native  officer  was  a Karen.  There 
was  also  a small  group  of  Karens  in  the  company  which  did  itself 
credit  in  Mesopotamia.  An  officer  of  that  company  told  me  that 
other  officers,  in  calling  for  detachments,  often  asked  that  Karens 
might  be  sent.  In  one  Karen  company  so  many  of  the  men  were 
detailed  for  instruction  service  in  other  companies  that  regular 
drill  was  much  interfered  with.  These  incidents  suggest  that  the 
enlisted  men  among  the  Karens  were  rendering  an  honorable  and 
appreciated  service  in  the  war. 

Should  one  inquire  as  to  the  future  of  the  Karen  people,  my 
answer  would  be  that  not  as  a separate  people,  living  apart  and 
seeking  special  advantages  for  themselves,  will  they  make  the  most 
progress ; but,  forgetting  racial  feeling  as  far  as  possible  and  throw- 
ing themselves  into  the  life  of  the  land  in  which  they  find  them- 
selves and  adding  their  quota  to  the  general  good,  they  will  not 
only  raise  themselves,  but  also  the  level  of  the  common  life  which 
they  must  share  with  their  neighbors.  In  this  way  they  will  truly 
find  themselves  and  contribute  to  the  growth  and  progress  of  a 
country  that  is  capable  of  untold  advancement. 

The  following  statement  is  taken  from  a letter  of  Feb.  16,  1919,  from  the  officer  in 
charge  of  recruiting  at  Meiktila : “In  all  other  units  Burmans  and  Karens  are  mixed  up  together, 
but  probably  the  proportion  would  he  about  the  same  as  in  the  Burma  Rifles.  There  are  also 
Karens  in  the  Military  Police.” 


APPENDIX  A 


Glossary  of  Karen  Words 


Note.  The  vowels  in  this  glossary  are  to  be  pronounced  after  the  usual  continental 
method.  Eh  is  pronounced  as  e in  mett  and  eu  as  e in  her.  The  Greek  x is  used  for  the  gutteral 
which  is  pronounced  as  ch  in  loch,  and  th  is  as  in  thin.  Asperated  consona  ts  are  indicated  by 
placing  the  h in  front  of  the  letter  as  hk,  hp,  ht,  etc.  The  half  vowel  is  shown  by  the  apostro- 
phe following  the  letter,  as  k\  t*,  etc.  In  pronouncing,  slip  over  this  half  vowel  as  in  the  first 
syllable  of  cajole  or  the  coloquial  pronounciation  of  t’morrow. 

Bgha,  family  demon. 

hgha  a hko»  leader  of  the  bgha  feast. 

bla  Cf  bat  dung ; powder. 

blau',  young  men’s  club  room,  or  guest  room. 

BreCf  name  of  a Karen  tribe. 

BU  deu  htaw  li,  the  paddy  has  headed  out  (lit.,  conceived). 
bwe,  seeds  of  the  coix  plant. 

Bwe  (for  Bghai),  the  name  of  a Karen  tribe. 
dah  (Burmese),  long  knife. 
daw  do,  a relation  by  marriage. 

daw  t*  ka.  race  of  giants  who  feed  on  the  k’las  of  mortals. 

deUt  room  or  section  of  a village-house. 

deu  mil  Iwa  hpa,  three  stars  just  east  of  the  Pleiades. 

De  nya,  a lily,  the  lily  month  (May). 

dit  la,  a plot  selected  for  cultivation  in  the  hills. 


Ghw  Le  Be  ) 
Ghaw  Ser  Paw  f 
Ghaw  Kwa  Htu  ^ 
Ghaw  Kaw  Se  f 
Gai  hko,  the  name  of 


two  Pwo  Karens  who  stole  the  original  drums. 


names  of  the  two  original  bronze  drums. 
Karen  tribe. 


Hi,  house. 

hi  hpo  xch,  tiny  model  of  a house  used  in  bgha  rites. 

hkaw,  the  foot. 

hkli,  the  crossbow. 

hkli  p*  ti,  a kind  of  long  bow. 

hko,  the  head. 

hko  hti,  the  fontenal. 

hko  peu,  a headdress  or  turban. 

hko  peu  ki,  a woman’s  woven  headdress. 

hko  saw,  a hut-shaped  receptacle  for  the  bones  of  the  dead. 

hko  so  law,  a receptacle  as  above,  but  pagoda-shaped. 

hk*  ye,  trumpet-shaped  fish  trap. 

Hku  de,  demon  of  the  dry  season. 

Hkii  Te,  king  of  hades. 
hpa  k*  pu,  a fireplace. 
hpa  hpaw  mii,  midnight. 

'ipa  ti,  uncle. 
hpaw,  a flower. 
hpaw  baw,  yellow  cockscomb. 
hpaw  ghaw,  red  cockscomb. 
oi  ba,  musical  pipes. 

Hpi  Bi  Yaw,  name  of  the  goddess  of  the  crops. 
hpo,  child ; little. 


315 


316 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


shooting  stars. 


hpo  khwa,  a son. 
hpo  mil,  a daughter. 

po  ja  o,  / q£  wedding  ceremony,  (lit.,  children  tease  mother,  children  tease  father). 

hypo  nya  pa,  \ 

hpo  tha  hkwa  htaw,  to  become  adolescent  (spoken  of  a boy). 

hsa,  a star  ; also  the  right  thigh  bone  of  a fowl  used  in  divination. 

hsa  a hsa  neu  vii,  a good  omen  derived  from  reading  the  chicken  bones. 

Hsa  bit  hpaw,  the  Milky  Way. 

Hsa  deu  mii,  the  Pleiades. 

Hsa  hki  hko,  the  constellation  Sagittarius. 

Hsa  k*  hsaw,  the  Great  Bear,  (lit.,  the  elephant). 

Hsa  ku'a  hka,  Orion. 
hsa  V so,  a constellation. 

Hsa  hta  hko,  three  stars  south  of  the  Pleiades. 

Hsa  tu  yhaw,  the  morning  star. 

Hsa  tu  ha,  the  evening  star. 
hsa  rneh  htaw,  a comet. 

Hsa  mo  la,  a star  near  the  moon. 

Hsa  yo  ma,  the  three  stars  of  Orion’s  belt. 
hsa  yu,  | 

hsa  hpo  tha,  J 

hsaw.  a fowl ; also  a basket  for  catching  fish. 

hsaw  xi  wa  ti  htaw,  a good  omen  obtained  from  reading  the  fowl’s  bones. 
hsaw  xi  wa  hkaw,  a less  favorable  omen. 
hsaw  xi  ku  hko  mi,  a rather  unfavorable  omen. 
hsaw  xi  htaw  deh  pgha  k*  la,  an  unfavorable  omen. 
hsaw  o,  the  crowing  of  the  cock  ; early  morning. 
hs€,  a Karen  garment ; a smock. 
hse  plo,  a man’s  garment. 

Hsi  hsa,  the  tenth  month. 

Hsi  mil,  the  ninth  month. 
hso  hko,  a platform  for  receiving  guests. 
hta,  a hand  loom  : a song. 
hta  do,  an  epic  poem. 
hta  mo  pgha,  a great  poem. 
hta  ua  do,  poems  chanted  over  the  dead. 

hta  hpo,  lyric  poems,  or  narrative  poems  of  light  character. 
hta  plii,  poems  of  the  dead. 
hta  thi  kwaw,  extempore  poems  of  betrothal. 

hta  thwe  plii,  poems  chanted  at  funerals  addressed  to  the  spirit. 
hta  yeh  law  plii,  poems  for  the  king  of  hades. 

htaw  law,  a cit  which  one  utters  on  hearing  strange  noises  in  the  jungle. 

Htaw  meh,  Monday. 
hteh,  a plow. 
hteu,  a bag. 

Hte  kii,  the  second  month. 
hti,  water. 

hti  hsaw,  a scoop  for  catching  fish  in  shallow  water. 

Hti  k'  saw  k'sa,  the  lords  of  water  and  land  ; the  lords  of  the  earth. 
hti  pu  law,  place  in  the  house  for  the  water-joint. 
hti  th*  mu,  charmed  water. 

hti  seh  mch  ywa,  the  river  of  running  sand,  or  the  sandy  river. 
hto  bo,  a pole  for  poling  a boat. 
hto  tu,  a harrow. 
htwi  maw  seh.  a hunting  dog. 


ICla,  the  shade  or  spirit  of  a person. 
k'la  pyeh,  a booth. 
k'li,  the  wind. 

K*paw  ta  thu.  a demon  who  causes  total  eclipses. 
A*’sa,  lord,  (a  person  or  a title). 


APPENDIX  A.— GLOSSARY— CONTINUED 


317 


k’tau',  a shield. 
k’thi,  medicine. 

k*thi  baw  tho,  a magical  tiger  medicine. 
k*thi  thra,  a doctor  (lit.,  a teacher  of  medicine). 
ka  hsaw  xi,  the  inspecting  of  fowl’s  bones  for  divinations. 
ka  law  ta,  an  offering  for  demons. 

Ka  ya,  the  Red  Karen  tribe. 

Kayin  (Burmese),  the  Karen  people. 

ki  ku,  a creeper,  the  leaves  of  which  are  used  in  certain  rites. 
klaw,  a mat. 

klo  (couplet,  klo  ogh  tra  ogh),  bronze  drums. 
klo  a deu,  the  base  tube  of  a Karen  xylophone. 
klo  ka  paWf  '| 

klo  ma  ^ three  kinds  of  Karen  bronze  drums. 

klo  ghaw  pie  J 
kii,  a basket. 

kway  the  cry  of  the  wildcat. 

kweh,  the  wedding  horn. 

kyee  zee  (Bux*mese),  a triangular  gong. 

La,  the  moon  : a month. 

La  hkli,  the  fourth  month. 

La  hkii,  the  ninth  month. 

La  naw,  the  eleventh  month. 

La  nwi,  the  seventh  month. 

La  plii,  the  twelfth  month. 

La  xo,  the  eighth  month. 

Law,  demons  of  the  rainy  season. 

Law  hpOf  demons  who  bring  about  the  reproduction  of  the  grain. 
ler  na,  stones  having  magical  power. 
li,  grandchildren. 

Li  naWt  Sunday. 
lo,  to  transmit  life. 

longyi  (Burmese),  a loin  cloth  or  skirt  worn  by  men  and  women. 

Ma,  a wife. 

ma  hpo  tha,  little  wife  or  concubine. 
maw,  a small  bamboo  cup. 

maw  keh,  a giant  creeper,  the  seeds  of  which  are  used  as  playthings. 
Maw  law,  kwi,  the  king  of  the  crocodiles. 
me  taw,  rice  cooked  in  joints  of  bamboo. 
me  u,  fire. 

Meh  la  ka,  the  Southern  Cross. 
meu  do,  a large  bamboo  trap. 

mi,  the  left  thigh  bone  of  a fowl  used  in  divinations. 

mi  a mi  neu  hsa,  an  evil  omen  obtained  from  reading  the  fowl’s  bones. 
Mil  daw  hpa,  Friday. 
mo,  mother. 

mo  a si,  an  offering  made  to  bring  a good  crop  of  paddy. 

mil,  the  sun. 

mu  gha,  aunt. 

mil  haw  law,  early  evening. 

mil  keh  htaw,  sunrise. 

mil  heh  htaw  hpa  htaw,  the  sun  is  high. 

Mil  Hka,  the  king  of  spirits. 

mil  hse  wa  htaw,  dawn,  (lit.,  the  sun’s  garment  whitens). 

Mil  htaw  k*hou,  Saturday. 
mil  htu,  noon. 

Mil  kaw  li,  the  evil  power  or  devil. 
mil  law  nil,  the  sun  is  set. 
mil  xe  law,  the  sun  declines. 

viii  yaw  ma,  late  evening,  (lit.,  the  sun  is  deep  down). 


318 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


mil  pgha,  a married  woman. 

Mii  xa,  celestial  spirits  that  preside  over  births. 

Mil  xa  do,  one  of  the  principal  demons  of  the  Karen. 

Mil  xa  hklew,  a divinity  presiding  over  the  banyan  tree. 
ynwi,  a blood-brother;  a friend. 

Na,  a sword. 

va  ruja  hti  meh,  a sword  shaped  like  the  tail  of  an  eel. 
na  thek  hko,  a sword  with  two  edges  and  a sharp  point. 
na  XU  hko,  a blunt-pointed  cutting  sword. 
naw  bin  tha,  sling-shot  pellets. 

Naw  k*plau\  the  evil  demon  opposed  to  Y'wa  (God). 

naw  xaw,  wild  indigo. 

ni,  a woman’s  skirt ; a day  ; a year. 

ni-thaw,  the  couplet  meaning  a day. 

nida,  the  couplet  meaning  a year. 

nya,  fish. 

nya  u,  fish  paste,  (lit.,  rotten  fish)  ; Burmese,  ngape. 

P*yo,  a great  dragon  or  a demon  in  the  form  of  a great  dragon. 
pa,  father. 

Pa  k*  sa.  Father  God  (used  of  Y’wa). 
paw,  (Burmese,  pauk),  a kind  of  fish-trap. 
paw  ku,  a xylophone. 
paw  leh,  the  sea. 

2)aw  na,  plants  having  magical  powers. 

pgha,  a person  ; also  means  old. 

pgha  a pgho,  a wonder  worker  or  magician. 

pgha  ba  bgha,  one  who  has  offended  the  family  demon. 

Pgha  k*  nyaw,  the  Karen  term  for  themselves,  (lit.,  men). 
pgha  htaw  leu  hko,  one  who  marries  outside  the  tribe. 
pgha  tha  pgha,  an  old  man  ; an  elder. 

jygho,  an  impersonal  all-pervasive  force;  (Melanesian,  mayia). 
pgho  ghaw,  the  peacock  pheasant. 

Pghaw  ghaw,  the  twin  peak  of  Mt.  Thaw  Thi,  the  sacred  mountain. 
po,  the  method  of  preventing  witches  from  working  evil  charms. 
po  dwa,  open  bamboo  pipes. 

pru-u-u,  a call  for  children,  fowls,  spirits,  etc. 
pu,  a fish-trap. 

pula,  betel-leaf  vines  trained  to  run  up  tall  trees. 

Pu  Maw  Taw,  mythical  owner  of  the  first  bronze  drums. 

Seh,  a rough  basket. 

sgheu,  the  fructifying  principle  in  life. 

so.  power  to  resist  an  evil  charm  : personality  ; a generation. 

soh,  a charm  made  out  of  a wild  boar’s  tusk. 

so  so  xa  xa,  genei*ation  upon  generation  ; eternally. 

Sgaw,  the  name  of  a Karen  tribe. 

T*ba,  negative  particle. 

Vkaw,  a measure  of  distance  ; the  distance  one  can  hear  a call. 

Vhka,  a pace. 

Thke  mo  baw,  the  demon  that  causes  partial  eclipses. 

Vhkwa,  a cousin. 
fhkli,  a yard. 

t'hpi,  the  stretch  of  the  thumb  and  forefinger. 
fhta,  a hand’s  breadth. 

Thwe  kaw,  the  third  month. 

Vide  V htwa,  a disappointment  brought  about  by  disregarding  a tabu. 
Vkwi  leu,  a stone’s  throw. 

Vie,  a post  set  up  at  funerals  over  the  receptacle  holding  the  bones. 


APPENDIX  A.— GLOSSARY— CONTINUED 


319 


t*leUt  a fish-trap  made  by  placing  a jar  in  the  water. 
t’lo  pa,  a mediator  who  arranges  weddings. 

Viyiii  tu  leh,  a half-day’s  journey. 

Vna,  a harp. 

t*ni  leh,  a day’s  journey. 

T'nu,  the  destroying  angel  who  exterminates  the  wicked. 

Vpla,  a cubit. 

Vre  t*  hka,  ghosts  of  tyrants,  etc.,  who  harass  mortals. 
t*so,  a unit  of  measure. 

Vsii  mu,  the  length  of  the  forefinger. 

Vxe,  the  jew’s-harp. 

Vxo,  Karen  armor. 

Vxjaw,  a decoction  of  the  bark  of  a tree  used  for  washing  the  hair. 
t'yaw  lo  ke  a k*la,  rites  intended  to  recall  the  k’la  or  spirit  of  the  dead. 
ta,  the  nominal  prefix. 

ta  aw  bgha,  the  feast  to  the  household  demons. 

ta  aw  hwaw  a tha,  a feast  as  above  to  prevent  illness. 

ta  aw  saw  ke  saw  na,  the  feast  at  which  all  relatives  must  be  present. 

ta  aw  k’teu,  a final  feast  before  giving  up  the  worship  of  the  demons. 

ta  di  law  kweh  leh,  an  offering  to  the  king  of  hades. 

ta  do  hkaw,  the  rhinoceros. 

Ta  do  k'the,  ta  do  k*hsaw,  the  Great  Elephant  addressed  as  a demon. 
ta  dii  ta  htii,  tabu,  chiefly  prohibition  of  work. 

ta  dii  haw  hko  hu,  tabu  to  be  observed  at  the  time  of  an  earthquake. 

ta  dii  hkii  ta  du  theh,  the  tabu  after  offerings  for  good  crops. 

fa  dii  hpa  htaw,  the  long  tabu. 

ta  du  kleh,  the  tabu  on  traveling. 

fa  dii  ta  hie,  the  tabu  connected  with  births. 

ta  dii  ta  yu  mu  ta  yu  la,  the  tabu  connected  with  eclipses. 

ta  dii  ta  htaw  ta  lau\  the  tabu  connected  with  the  rising  and  falling  of  a stream. 
ta  dii  ta  the  to  pgha,  the  tabu  connected  with  death. 

ta  ho  ta  yaw  ) , , 

. , . , > witchcraft  or  bad  magic. 

ta  ho  ta  lo  I 

ta  hkii  hka,  the  cool  season. 

ta  hpa  do,  the  great  one,  used  of  the  elephant  by  men  hunting  lest  the  spirits  should  hear  its 
name  mentioned. 

ta  hpi  htaw  a k’la,  to  recall  a human  spirit  from  under  the  water, 
fa  hseh  hsu  ma  heu,  a raid. 
ta  k’heu,  things  that  will  win. 
fa  ko  hka,  the  hot  season. 

ta  kweh  k’la  hpa  do,  the  great  ceremony  of  recalling  the  human  spirit. 
ta  le  mi,  lighting  the  dead  on  their  way. 
ta  leh  kaw,  a game  at  funerals,  (lit.,  stretching  the  neck), 
fa  In,  a sacrifice  or  offering. 

ta  lii  hpa  do,  a great  sacrifice  to  the  lords  of  the  earth, 
fa  lii  hpo,  the  small  sacrifice  to  the  lords  of  the  earth. 
ta  lii  klu  htu  hti,  an  offering  to  the  water  witches. 

fa  lii  law  pa  law,  offerings  to  the  celestial  spirits  that  preside  over  births. 

Ta  mu  xa,  the  spirits  of  those  who  have  been  notoriously  evil. 
ta  na,  malevolent  supernatural  beings. 
ta  neu  xo.  the  smell  of  burning  fat. 

fa  plii  aw  ka,  the  fleeting  existence  of  babies  who  die  soon  after  birth. 
ta  se  kle,  the  game  of  jumping  bamboo  poles, 
fa  su  hka,  the  rainy  season. 

ta  t’  ghe  ha,  lit.,  it  is  not  good  (spoken  of  things  tabued), 
fa  f*  ka,  ghosts  of  persons  left  unburied, 
fa  t’hkaw  hkaw,  a one-legged  female  demon, 
fa  t*  su,  a canopy  erected  over  a bier. 
ta  taw  law  ta,  offerings  to  the  demons. 

ta  taw  the  hka  keh,  offerings  for  the  spirits  of  notoriously  evil  persons, 
fa  to  kii,  pounding  pestles  (a  funeral  game). 


320 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


ta  wi  ta  ria,  evil  spirits. 
ta  xeh,  a sickle. 

ta  yaw  Ice  a fc’la,  recalling  human  spirit  from  the  clutches  of  a w'izard. 

ta  yaw  kha,  the  dry  season. 

tau\  a paddy  basket,  (Burmese,  taung) . 

taw,  a paddy  basket,  (Burmese,  taung) 

tau  /^ue  tau,  | ^ ceremony  performed  at  funerals  of  very  old  men. 

taw  klaw  taw,  j 

taw  leu  hko,  to  marry  outside  the  tribe. 

Taw  Meh  Pa,  the  mythical  ancestor  of  the  Karen  race. 

Ten  kwch,  the  rainbow. 
ten,  a bag. 

Th*  le,  the  first  month. 

th*  rch  V hka,  spirits  of  those  who  have  died  violent  deaths. 
th*  waw,  a village. 
tha,  soul. 

th’  ma.  a crocodile. 

the  7ta,  a monarch  of  hades. 

theh  a hkii,  to  make  offerings  for  the  field. 

ta  th*  mo,  to  make  offerings  for  the  field. 

Thi  hko  mu  xa,  the  lord  of  the  demons,  of  heaven  and  earth. 
thi  keh,  a bamboo  pole  or  standard  used  in  the  bgha  feast. 
thit  se  (Burmese),  laquer. 

Thi  thwa,  Thursday. 
tho,  a blood  brother. 

Thwe  kaw,  the  third  month. 

To  kyaw,  Wednesday. 

to  me  to  pi,  paste  made  of  glutenous  rice. 

To  mil,  Tuesday. 

tu,  traps  in  which  weights  fall  on  the  victims. 

U,  to  embroider. 

2igh  de  de,  to  thrust  the  finger  into  one’s  naval  to  prevent  the  rainbow  demon  from  injuring  one. 
Wa,  bamboo. 

Wa  hkaw,  a spring  trap  : a spear  made  of  bamboo. 

Wa  hklu,  a kind  of  large  bamboo. 

well,  a basketwoi'k  paddy-bin  ; elder  brother  or  sister. 
well  hpo  hkwa,  older  brother. 
well  hpo  mii,  older  sister. 
wi,  prophet ; soothsayer. 

Xeh,  a sickle. 

xaw  htii,  a plant  used  for  poisoning  the  water  in  fishing. 


Y*2va,  the  Great  Spirit  of  the  Karen  ; God. 
ya,  wild  plantain  or  banana. 


APPENDIX  B 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Annual  Report,  American  Baptist  Foreign  Mission  Society,  1919. 

Baptist  Missionai*y  Magazine,  The. 

Bunker,  Rev.  Alonzo,  D.D.,  Soo  Tha,  A Tale  of  the  Karens,  New  York,  1901. 

Bunker,  Rev.  Alonzo,  D.  D.,  Sketches  from  the  Karen  Hills,  New  York,  1903. 

Carrick,  Lieut.  E.  W.,  Report  on  the  Bwe  Expedition,  Rangoon  (Gov’t),  1894. 

Cross,  Rev.  E.  B.,  D.D.,  On  the  Karens,  in  Journal,  American  Oriental  Society,  Vol.  IV,  (1854). 

Gilmore,  Rev.  D.  C.,  D.D.,  A Karen  Grammar,  Rangoon,  1901. 

Gilmore,  Rev.  D.  C.,  D.D.,  The  Karen  Traditions,  in  Journal,  Burma  Research  Society,  Vol.  I, 
Pt.  II,  36.  Phonetic  Changes  in  the  Karen  Language,  Vol.  VIII,  Part  II,  122. 

Karen  Morning  Star,  The.^* 

Karen  Recorder,  The,  Rangoon,  Burma,  1915-1917. 

Logan,  J.  R.,  On  the  Ethnographic  Position  of  the  Karens,  in  Journal,  Indian  Archipelago, 
Vol.  II,  (1854). 

Lone,  Ko  San,  Sketch  of  Rev.  Jonathan  Wade,  D.D.,  and  Karen  Tradition.  Rangoon,  1907.* 

Lowe,  Lt.  Col.  James,  The  Karen  Tribes  or  Aborigines  of  Martaban,  in  Journal,  Indian  Archi- 
pelago, Vol.  IV,  413  (1854). 

Luther,  Mrs.  Carlista  Vinton,  The  Vintons  and  the  Karens.  Boston,  1880. 

MacMahon,  Lt.  Col.  A.  R.,  The  Karens  of  the  Golden  Chersonese.  London,  1876. 

Mason,  Rev.  Francis,  D.D.,  British  Burma,  Its  People  and  Productions.  Rangoon,  1860,  Revised, 
edition  by  Theobald  Hertford,  1882. 

Mason,  Rev.  Francis,  D.D.,  The  Karen  Apostle,  A Memoir  of  Ko  Tha  Byu.  Boston,  1861. 

Mason,  Rev.  Francis,  D.D.,  Religion  and  Mythology  of  the  Karens,  in  Journal,  Asiatic  Society 
of  Bengal.  (1858),  Vol.  XXXIV,  Pt.  I:  Physical  Character  of  the  Karens,  Vol.  XXXV,  (New 
Series,  CXXXI)  (1866)  ; On  Dwellings,  Works  of  Art,  etc.,  of  the  Karens,  Vol.  XXXVII, 
(1868). 

Mason,  Rev.  Francis,  D.D.,  The  Story  of  a Workingman’s  Life  (Autobiography)  New  York,  1870. 

O’Riley.  E.,  Esq.,  Journal  of  a Tour  in  Karen  Nee,  in  Journal,  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  II, 
(N.  S.)  (1858)  391;  Notes  on  Karen  Nee,  in  Vol.  IV,  (N.  S.)  (1859).  25. 

Poynder,  Capt.  E.  W.,  Report  on  Bwe  Expedition.  Rangoon  (Government  publication),  1894. 

Rangoon  Gazette,  The,  June  6,  1917  : Sept.  27,  1919. 

Smeaton,  D.  M.,  The  Loyal  Karens  of  Burma.  London,  1887. 

To  Rev.  Ba,  “The  Union  of  the  Karen  Tribes,”  in  Minutes  of  the  Second  Annual  Meeting  of 
the  Karen  Trading  Society,  etc.  Rangoon,  1912.* 

Than  Bya,  Rev.  T.,  M.A.,  Karen  Customs,  Ceremonies,  and  Poetry.  Rangoon,  1906. 

Than  Bya,  Rev.  T.,  M.A.,  The  Karens  and  Their  Progress,  1864-1914.  Rangoon,  1914.* 

Vinton,  Rev.  J.  B.,  D.D..  and  Rev.  T.  Than  Bya,  Karen  Folk-lore  Stories,  Rangoon.  1908.* 

Wade,  Rev.  Jonathan,  D.D.,  The  Grammar  of  the  Sgaw  and  Pgho  Karen  Language.  Tavoy, 
1842.** 

Wade,  Rev.  Jonathan,  D.D.,  The  Karen  Thesaurus,  Vols.  I-IV.,  Tavoy,  1847.**  New  edition  in 
press,  Vol.  I.  Rangoon,  1915. 

Wade,  Rev.  Jonathan,  D.D.,  A Dictionary  of  the  Sgaw  Karen  Language,  (Karen  into  English). 
Rangoon,  1896.  Revised  by  Rev.  E.  B.  Cross,  D.D.** 

Wade,  Rev.  Jonathan,  D.D.,  The  Anglo-Karen  Dictionary,  (Completed  by  Mrs.  J.  G.  Binney). 
Rangoon,  1883.** 

General  Works  Dealing  with  Burma 

Burma  Archaeological  Survey,  Annual  Reports. 

Cochrane,  Rev.  H.  P.,  Among  the  Burmans.  New  York,  1913. 

Cochrane,  Rev.  W.  W.,  The  Shans.  Rangoon,  1912. 

Colquhoun,  N.  R.,  Amongst  the  Shans.  New  York,  1885.  Introduction  on  History  of  the  Shans 
by  Prof,  de  Lacouperiet. 


321 


322 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Crawfurd,  J.,  Journal  of  an  Embassy  from  the  Governor  General  of  India  to  the  Court  of  Ava, 
Vols.  I and  II.  London,  1834. 

Cumminij,  E.  D.,  In  the  Shadow  of  the  Pagoda.  London,  1893. 

Fifth  Quinquennial  Report  on  Public  Education  in  Burma. 

Forbes,  Capt.  C.  J.  F.  S.,  Burma  and  Its  People.  London,  1878. 

Frazer,  Sir  J.  G.,  The  Golden  Bough,  Vols.  I-XI.  Oxford,  1911. 

F'razer,  Sir  J.  G.,  The  Old  Testament  and  Folk-lore.  Oxford,  1919. 

Graham,  W.  A.  Siam,  A Handbook  of  Practical,  Commercial,  and  Political  Information.  London, 
1913. 

Hanson.  Rev.  O.,  Litt.  D.,  The  Kachins.  Rangoon,  1911. 

Heger,  F.,  Alte  Metalltrommeln  aus  Sudost-Asien,  Leipzig,  1902. 

Hose  and  MacDougall,  The  Pagan  Tribes  of  Borneo,  London,  1912. 

Imperial  Gazetteer,  Burma,  Vol.  I. 

Jevons,  Introduction  to  Religion. 

Laufer,  Berthold.  The  Si  Hia  Language,  A Study  in  Indo-Chinese  Philology,  in  Teoung-Pai,  2nd. 
Series,  Vol.  XVII,  No.  1.  Leyden,  1916. 

Laufer.  Berthold,  “Review  of  Mythology  of  all  Races,”  in  Journal,  American  Folklore,  Vol.  XXXI, 
No.  CXX. 

Lewis,  C.  C.,  “The  Tribes  of  Burma,”  in  Ethnological  Survey  of  India,  Rangoon,  (Gov’t),  1910. 
Nieuwenhuis,  Dr.,  Quer  Durch  Borneo.  Leyden,  1907. 

Parker,  E.  H.,  China  and  Religion.  New  York,  1905. 

Parmentier,  H.,  “Anciens  Tambours  de  Bronze,”  in  Bulletin,  I’Ecole  d’  Extreme-Orient,  Hanoi, 
1918. 

Richardson,  Dr.,  “Tours  in  the  Shan  Country,”  in  Journal,  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  (1837). 
Sangermano,  Father,  Description  of  the  Burmese  Empire,  1783-1808.  (Reprint)  Government  of 
Burma.  Rangoon,  1885. 

Scott,  Sir  J.  G.,  “Indo-Chinese  Mythology,”  in  Mythology  of  All  Races,  Vol.  XII.  Boston,  1918. 
Scott,  Sir  J.  G.,  Burma,  A Handbook  of  Practical,  Commercial,  and  Political  Information. 
London,  1911. 

Scott,  Sir  J.  G.,  and  Hardiman,  J.  P.,  The  Upper  Burma  Gazetteer,  4 vols.  (Government). 
Rangoon,  1901. 

Scott,  Sir  J.  G.,  (“Shwe  Yoe”),  The  Burman  and  His  Life  and  Notions.  London,  1883. 

Skeat  and  Blagdon,  The  Pagan  Tribes  of  the  Malay  Peninsula.  London. 

Snodgrass,  Major,  The  Narrative  of  the  Burmese  War.  2 vols.  London,  1827. 

Spearman,  Col.  H.,  British  Bui* **ma  Gazetter,  2 vols.,  Rangoon,  (Gov’t)  1880. 

Yule.  Col.  Sir  Henry,  Narrative  of  the  Mission  to  the  Court  of  Ava  in  1855.  London,  1858. 
Wayland.  Rev.  Francis,  D.D.,  Life  of  Adoniram  Judson.  Boston,  1853. 

Other  General  Works 

Carpenter,  J.  E.,  Comparative  Religion.  New  York,  1913. 

Codrington,  R.  H.,  The  Melanesians.  Oxford,  1918. 

Cole,  Fay  Cooper,  The  Wild  Tribes  of  the  Davao  District.  Chicago,  1913. 

Davies,  Maj.  H.  R.,  Yunnan.  The  Link  between  Burma  and  the  Yangste.  London,  1913. 

Deniker,  J.,  The  Races  of  Men.  New  York,  1906. 

Foy,  W.,  “Uber  Alter  Bronzetrommeln  aus  Sudost-Asien,”  in  Mitteilungen  der  Anthropologischen 
Gesellschaft  in  Wien,  Vol.  XXXIII,  1913. 

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Ross.  John.,  The  Original  Religion  of  China. 


* Denotes  works  in  Karen. 

**  Denotes  works  in  both  English  and  Karen. 


INDEX 


ABBOTT,  Rev.  E.  A.,  Baptist  missionary  in 
Bassein,  298. 

Administration,  judicial,  of  the  British,  307. 

Adultery,  condemnation  of,  in  Karen  laws,  148  ; 
sacrifice  and  ostracism  for,  192  ; tabu  against, 
287. 

After-life,  the.  See  Immortality. 

Agriculture,  economic  aspect  of,  92-93,  130 ; 
use  of  magic  in,  271-273  ; tabus  and,  290-291. 
See  Cultivation. 

Alcoholic  drink.  See  Beverages. 

Alphabet,  the  Sgaw,  32 ; the  Pwo,  33.  See 
Language. 

Altar  the,  use  of,  in  sacrifices,  78.  235,  241,  259. 
See  Ritual,  also  Sacrifices. 

Amiability,  of  the  Karen,  30. 

Ancestor  worship,  practice  of,  248,  250. 

Anderson,  Dr.,  on  the  manufacture  of  Karen 
bronze  drums,  124-126. 

Anglican  Mission,  the,  301. 

Animism,  210-211.  See  Demonology ; also  Re- 
ligion. 

Antidotes,  use  of,  against  poisoned  arrow- 
tips,  98. 

Appearance,  physical.  See  Physique. 

Arabian  Nights,  the,  translation  of,  into 
Karen,  310. 

Armor,  Karen  use  of,  160. 

Art,  Karen,  126.  See  Bronze  Drums. 

Astronomy,  Karen  knowledge  of,  53-54. 

Auspices,  and  the  prophets,  245 ; the  use  of, 
275.  For  occasions  of,  see  Ritual.  Sacrifices, 
Divination. 

Ava,  oppressive  rule  of,  in  Burma,  306. 

BAG-PIPE,  the.  166. 

Banyan  tree,  the,  sacred  character  of,  224. 

Baptist  Mission,  the  American,  foundation  of, 
296  ; interest  of  natives  in,  297  ; activities  of, 
298-300,  310. 

Basketry,  Karen,  113-114. 

Beauty,  appreciation  of,  30.  See  Dress,  Orna- 
ments. 

Beliefs.  See  Religion,  Superstitions. 

Betel  plant,  the,  use  of,  72-73  ; cultivation  of, 
84-86. 

Betrothal.  See  Marriage. 

Beverages,  variety  of,  71-72.  See  Drunken- 
ness. 

"‘Bgha,"  the,  feasts  to,  248-257;  customs  inci- 
dental to  the  feasts,  257-260 ; tabus  and. 
261,  291. 


Bible,  the,  identification  of  with  the  Lost  Book, 
298 ; translation  of,  into  Karen,  300,  310. 

Biganget,  Bishop,  Roman  Catholic  missionary, 
301. 

Binney,  Rev.  J.  G.,  founder  of  the  Karen 
Theological  Seminary,  300. 

Birth-marks,  on  Karen  children,  19  ; Karen  ex- 
planation of,  21. 

Blankets,  Karen,  41. 

“Blaw,”  see  Guest-chamber. 

Blood-brotherhood,  strength  of  bonds  of,  25 ; 
kinds  of,  136 ; ceremonies  of,  136-138 ; ob- 
ligations of,  137-138. 

Blow-gun,  the,  mode  of  manufacture,  96-97. 

Blythe,  Rev.  E.  W.,  on  sacrifices  to  the  “Bgha,” 
259. 

Boardman,  Rev.  G.  D.,  missionary  at  Tavey, 
296,  297. 

Bow,  the,  mode  of  manufacture  of,  98. 

Boxing,  among  the  Karen,  175. 

Box  trap,  the,  99. 

Brayton,  Rev.  D.  L.,  translator  of  the  Bible 
into  Pwo  Karen,  300. 

Brecs,  the,  a Karen  tribe,  4 ; stunted  growth  of, 
16  ; drunkenness  among,  29  ; poverty  of,  36, 
42 ; customs  observed  at  childbirth,  169  ; 
tabus  of,  288. 

British  Government,  the,  conquers  Burma 
of,  127,  n : 141  : Karen  attachment  to,  26, 
306  : annexation  of  Pegu  by,  298  : effects  of, 
in  Burma,  306-307 ; employment  of  Karens 
by,  309,  312,  313,  314. 

Bronze  drums,  bearing  on  racial  origin  of  the 
Karen,  9;  original  source  of,  9,  115,  116-117; 
kinds  of,  among  the  Karen,  115,  118-119,  120  ; 
value  of,  9,  116-117;  descripiton  of,  120-124; 
manufacture  of,  124-126 ; use  of,  194. 

Buddhism,  influence  of,  on  Karen  cults,  264. 

Bunker,  Dr.  Alonzo,  on  Karen  customs  at 
childbirth,  169. 

Burial,  practice  of,  204-206,  221  ; places  of,  205- 
206.  See  Funerals. 

Burma,  habitat  of  the  Karen,  1,  12,  14  ; Brit- 
ish conquest  of,  127  n.  ; 141,  304  ; arrival  of 
Rev.  Adoniram  Judson  in,  296,  n.,  1 ; prog- 
ress of  Christianity  in,  296-303. 

Burmese,  the,  habitat  of,  1 : and,  the  Karen, 
vii,  22,  76  n.,  87,  304,  306,  307  ; alphabet  and 
Karen  writing,  31  ; influence  on  Karen  life 
and  practices,  37,  42,  111,  114,  167,  171,  262; 
umbrella,  43  ; costume,  47 ; purpose  of 
charms  worn  by,  277  ; persecution  of  early 
Karen  Christians,  297,  298. 


323 


324 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Bwe  tribes,  the,  habitat,  3 ; numbers,  4 ; pe- 
culiar practice  in  counting,  33  ; funeral  cus- 
toms, 208;  great  sacrifice  of,  237-238;  the 
priests  of,  247. 

Bya,  Rev.  Thra  Than,  cited  on  Karen  be- 
trothals, 177  ; on  the  propitiation  of  demons, 
242 : on  divination,  283 ; translations  into 
Karen,  310. 


CALENDAR,  the  Karen.  See  Time. 

Captives,  disposal  of,  157.  See  Slavery,  war- 
fare. 

Carpenter,  J.  E.,  on  primitive  religious  ideas, 
210  n„  1. 

Carrick,  Lieut.  E.  W.,  on  the  Karen  art  of 
divination,  283. 

Caste,  among  the  Karen,  129. 

Census  Report,  enumeration  of  the  Karen,  3-4. 

Characteristics.  See  Mental.  Physical. 

Charms,  potency  of,  233,  268  ; the  use  of,  271, 
ff.  See  Magic. 

Chastity,  134,  139,  142  ; enjoined  in  laws  of  the 
elders,  30  ; of  marriages.  192,  225,  288. 

Chief,  his  authority  in  the  village,  128-129,  143, 
241. 

Childbirth,  methods  employed  at.  168-169  ; and 
demonology,  169-170,  224  ; tabus  observed  at, 
287. 

Children,  protection  of,  against  demons,  169- 
170  ; naming,  170 ; treatment  and  care  of, 
170-171  : pleasures  of,  172-175 ; betrothal  of, 
176-177  ; funerals  of,  208. 

China,  the  original  home  of  the  Karen,  6, 
tf.  : linguistic  influence  of,  on  the  Karen, 
31-32. 

Christianity,  foundation  for,  in  the  “Y’wa” 
legend,  212 ; Karen  readiness  for,  217 ; 
abandoning  heathen  practices  for,  260-261  ; 
influence  of,  on  Karen  religious  cults.  264 : 
introduction  of,  by  first  Baptist  Mission, 
296 : spread  of,  among  the  Karen,  296-300, 
309-310.  See  Religion. 

“Climbing  the  fruit  tree.”  See  Funeral 
games. 

Cloth,  mode  of  manufacture,  108-111  : quality 
of.  111-113. 

Clothing,  See  Dress. 

Clouds,  Karen  mythical  explanation  of,  231. 

Codrington,  Bishop  R.  H..  on  an  impersonal 
power  in  men  and  things,  210,  n.  1. 

College,  the  Baptist,  300. 

Concubinage,  134. 

Confession,  practice  of,  at  the  great  sacrifice, 
236. 

Congo,  region  of  the,  musical  instruments  of, 
166,  n,  4. 

Constellations,  the.  Karen  myths  about,  53-54. 

Converts,  number  of  Karen  Christian.  300. 

Cooking,  Karen  utensils,  67,  70.  See  Diet. 
Meats. 


Cotton,  cultivation,  84  ; ginning,  108 ; mode 
of  preparation  for  spinning,  108 ; spinning, 
110.  See  Dyeing,  Weaving,  Cloth. 

Courtship,  serenading  in,  139-141  ; and  the 
bethrothal,  177-178. 

Crawfurd,  John,  on  boxing  among  the  Karen, 
175. 

Creation,  the  Karen  view  of,  10  ; “Y’wa,”  tra- 
dition of,  among  the  Karen,  211-213. 

Cremation,  practice  of,  204.  See  Funerals. 

Crime,  condmenation  of,  in  Karen  law,  144,  ff. 

Crops,  rice,  75,  fP.,  93 ; subsidiary  products, 
84-86  ; yield  of,  on  the  plains,  92.  See  Agri- 
culture, Production. 

Cross,  Rev.  E.  B.,  on  Karen  mythology,  223 ; 
contributions  to  Karen  literature,  310. 

Crossbow,  the,  use  of  poisoned  darts,  97  ; pro- 
ficiency with,  98. 

Cultivation,  primitive  methods  of,  in  the  hills, 
75,  If. ; mode  of,  on  the  plains,  87,  ff.  See 
Agriculture,  Crops,  Ritual. 

Cults,  religious,  the  “Maw  Lay”  cult,  29,  264  ; 
other,  264-265. 

Customs,  Karen,  pre-natal  and  natal,  168-170, 
171.  See  Marriage,  Funerals,  Ritual,  Sacri- 
fices. 


DANCING,  167. 

Davies,  Maj.  H.  R.,  on  the  Karen  language,  8. 

*^Dawkula,’'  the,  or  the  Karen  National  News, 
310. 

Death,  Karen  fear  of,  194  ; relation  of,  to  the 
“k’la,”  218-220.  See  Funerals. 

Decoration.  See  Bronze  drums. 

DeLacouperie,  Prof.,  on  origin  of  the  Karen, 
14,  n. 

Democracy  of  Karen  government,  143-144. 

Demonology,  classification  of  demons,  223,  ff. ; 
diversity  and  ubiquity  of  demons,  225,  ff. ; 
sacrifices  to  demons.  235,  ff.  See  Animism, 
Mythology,  Sacrifices. 

Devil,  the,  in  Karen  religion,  213  ; and  the  fall 
of  man,  215-216  ; influence  of,  over  the  first 
woman,  249  ; the  temptation  by,  279. 

Dialects.  See  Language. 

Diet,  Karen,  character  of,  66,  68,  71. 

Diseases,  prevalence  of,  16 ; susceptibility  of 
the  Karen  to,  19 : For  treatment  of,  see 

Sickness. 

Diviniation,  Sir  J.  G.  Scott  on  origin  of,  279  ; 
mythical  origin  of,  279,  280;  practice  of, 
279-280 ; art  of,  282-285.  For  occasions  of, 
see  Ritual. 

Divorce,  practice  of,  191-192. 

Domestic  animals,  64-65,  102. 

Dress,  Karen,  the  “hse”  or  smock,  35-40  ; Shan 
and  Burmese  influence  on,  36,  37  ; diversity 
of  pattern  and  colors  in,  35-38;  female,  38-41  ; 
head-dress,  43. 

Drugs.  See  Medicine. 


INDEX 


325 


Drums.  See  Bronze  drums. 

Drunkeness,  prevalence  of,  29  ; relation  of,  to 
crime.  72. 

Dualism,  in  the  Karen  religion,  213,  217.  See 
Devil. 

Dyeing,  110. 

EARRINGS,  Karen  use  of.  46. 

Earthquake,  Karen  myth  of,  230  ; Karen  ex- 
planation of.  289  : tabus  during,  289. 

East  India  Company,  British,  annexation  of 
Burmese  provinces  by,  304. 

Eclipses,  Karen  explanation  of,  54,  231,  289 ; 
tabus  during,  288-289. 

Education,  progress  in,  27,  307,  ff.  ; influence 
of,  on  Karen  occupations,  95,  309,  310  ; mis- 
sion schools,  300,  301, 

Elders,  the,  position  of,  in  the  village,  127-128  ; 
authority  of,  143-144  ; healing  offerings  made 
by,  247  ; on  cavities  in  the  abdomen,  277  ; 
first  hear  the  Christian  message,  297. 

Elephants,  use  of,  87  ; hunting  of,  102-104. 

Esthetic  sense,  30. 

FALL  of  man.  the  Karen  account  of,  214-216. 

Family,  the,  Karen  regard  for,  135-136 ; the 
“Bgha”  of,  248  : feasts  to  the  “Bgha,”  254, 
ff. 

Famine,  145. 

Fear,  prevalence  of,  among  the  Karen,  due  to 
Burman  oppression,  22 ; and  superstition, 
288-289. 

Feasting,  249,  ff.  For  occasions,  see  Funerals. 
Marriage,  Sacrifices. 

Feud.  See  Vengeance,  Warfare. 

Fire,  mode  of  making,  70-71. 

Firearms,  introduction  of,  into  Burma,  159 ; 
use  of,  by  the  Karen,  159.  See  Weapons. 

First  Burmese  War  (1824-6),  127,  n.  1. 

Fishing,  implements  of,  in  the  hills,  104-106 : 
various  modes  of,  104-107. 

Food,  Karen,  mode  of  preparing,  68-70;  serv- 
ing and  eating,  70.  See  Diet. 

Forays.  See  Warfare. 

Fornication,  condemnation  of,  in  Karen  laws, 
148 ; penalties  for,  192 ; an  offence  against 
the  Bgha,”  258  ; tabu  on,  287. 

Fowl,  the,  mythical  explanation  of  use  of,  in 
sacrifices  and  divination,  258-259,  279-280 ; 
use  of  chicken  bones  in  divination,  282-283. 
For  occasions  of  use  of,  see  Ritual,  Sacri- 
fices. 

Foy,  W.,  on  old  bronze  drums,  115,  n.  1. 

Frazer,  Sir  J.  G.,  on  fear  of  loss  of  one’s 
“k’la,”  219,  n.  14,  on  the  scapegoat,  235, 
n.  3. 

Funerals,  Karen,  festive  character  of.  193-194, 
208-209  : preparing  the  body.  195-197  ; diver- 
sity of  rites  at,  197,  ff. ; poetry  used  in,  197, 
198-200  ; games  used  in,  200-202  ; ceremonies 
at.  202-204. 


GAME,  abundance  of,  in  Burmese  hills,  96. 

Games,  of  children,  171-175;  funeral,  200-202. 

Gates,  Mr.  F.  H.,  on  Karen  use  of  shields,  160. 

Gilmore.  Dr.  D.  C.,  on  origin  of  Karen  race, 
6 ; on  Karen  language,  9,  32  ; on  Karen  myth 
of  the  fall  of  man,  213,  ff. 

Ginning,  method  of.  108. 

Gobi  Desert,  the,  5-6. 

God,  conception  of,  in  the  Karen  religion,  212  ; 
the  “Y’wa”  legend,  212-213  ; and  the  fall  of 
man,  213-216. 

Government,  the  Karen,  127-129  ; democi'acy  of, 
143-144;  the  British,  306-307. 

Great  sacrifice,  the,  of  the  Sgaw’  Karen.  235- 
236 : of  the  Bwe  Karen,  237-238. 

Guest-chamber,  of  the  Karen  village-house,  62, 
138-139. 

Guitar,  the,  163-164. 

HABITAT,  of  the  Karen,  1-2. 

Harp,  the  Karen,  162  ; the  Burmese,  162,  n.  2. 

Harris,  Rev,  E.  N.,  and  the  Karen  hymn-book, 
161. 

Head-dress,  Karen,  37,  40,  43. 

Health,  of  the  Karen,  19.  See  Diseases. 

Heger,  Mr.  Franz,  on  manufacture  of  bronze 
drums,  124-126. 

‘‘Hkli  Bo  Pa,”  a Christian  Karen  cult,  265. 

Homosexuals,  21. 

Honesty,  Karen  reputation  for,  27,  82,  144,  149. 

Horn,  see  Wedding-horn. 

Hose  and  MacDougall,  quoted  on  resemblances 
between  the  Karen  and  the  Kayans  of 
Borneo.  14-15,  n. 

House,  the  Karen,  character  of,  56,  63,  64, 
257-258;  construction  of,  57-58;  interior  of, 
60-63. 

“Hpi  Bi  Yaw,”  mythical  goddess  of  the  crops, 
84,  93,  226. 

“Htaw  Meh  Pa,”  mythical  founder  of  the 
Karen  race,  5,  12-14,  46,  259. 

Hunting,  Karen  delight  in,  96 ; mode  of,  96 ; 
weapons  employed  in,  96-98  ; use  of  dogs  in, 
102  ; elephants,  102-104  ; lack  of  sportsman- 
ship in,  104. 

Hymns,  Karen  love  of,  29 ; Karen,  310.  See 
Music. 

IMMORTALITY,  condemnation  of,  in  Karen 
laws,  148  ; attitude  toward,  192  ; Karen  ideas 
of,  222,  230,  233.  See  Fornication. 

Incantations,  on  removal  of  village,  63-64  ; 
in  agricultural  sacrifices,  75-83 ; in  connec- 
tion with  blood-brotherhood,  137  ; in  prepara- 
tion for  a foray,  153-154 ; natal,  169-170 ; 
wedding,  188-189;  funeral,  195,  197.  205  ; in 
propitiation  of  demons,  225,  ff. ; at  feasts  to 
the  “Bgha,”  250,  251  ; in  ritual  of  divination. 
283,  284. 

Indo-Chinese  peninsula,  habitat  of  the  Karen, 

1. 


326 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Industry,  effect  of  tabus  on  Karen,  286,  ff. ; 295. 
See  Occupations. 

Intellect,  Karen,  26,  27.  See  Education. 

Intermarriage,  prevalence  of,  176. 

Irrawaddy,  delta,  habitat  of  the  Sgaw  Karen, 
1 : native  melodies  of,  29. 

Irrigation,  93. 

JEWS,  the,  supposed  influence  of,  on  the 
Karen.  10-12. 

Jew’s-harp,  the,  162-163. 

Judson,  Dr.  Adoniram,  on  religious  cults  among 
the  Karen,  264 ; founder  of  American  Bap- 
tist Mission.  296  n.  1 ; his  first  disciple,  297. 

Judson  College,  at  Rangoon,  300. 

Justice,  Karen  practice  of,  129,  143-144,  236; 
Karen  laws,  144-151  ; British  practice  of,  in 
Karen  districts,  306,  307. 

KAREN,  the,  as  a race,  1,  ff.  : origin  of  the 
word,  7-8 ; relations  of,  to  their  neighbors, 
vii,  22,  56,  87,  104.  106,  111,  114,  124,  159, 
168,  262,  297,  298,  304,  305,  307;  loyalty  to 
British  rule,  305,  306,  314.  For  Origin. 
Religion,  Customs,  Occupations,  etc.,  see  ap- 
propriate heads. 

Karenni,  the.  See  Red  Karen 

Kinship.  Karen  ideas  of,  135-136.  See  Family. 

“K’la,”  the,  Karen  conception  of,  193,  218-221  ; 
seat  of,  221,  245;  importance  of,  169,  193, 
ff.,  232  : and  the  soul,  218  : in  sickness,  239, 
ff. ; sacrifices  to,  243-245 ; and  the  use  of 
magic,  275-276. 

Kondagyi  village,  bronze  drum  from,  described, 
121-124. 

Ko  Pisan  (Ko  San  Yo),  founder  of  a Christian 
cult  among  the  Karen,  264-265. 

Ko  Shwe  Waing,  early  convert  to  Christianity, 

297. 

Ko  Tha  Byu,  first  native  Christian  missionary. 
296-297. 

LAND,  distribution  of,  129.  See  Agriculture, 
Cultivation. 

Language,  Karen,  classification,  8 ; bearing  of, 
on  origin  of  Karen  race,  6-8  ; characteristics 
of,  8-9,  31-33  : the  written,  31  ; and  Chinese, 
32 ; family  relationships  expressed  in,  135- 
136.  See  Literature,  Poetry. 

Laufer,  Dr.  Berthold,  on  origin  of  the  Karen 
people,  6,  10-11. 

Laws,  Karen,  traditional  character  of,  143-144  ; 
mode  of  preservation  of,  144  ; subject-matter 
of,  144-151.  See  Justice. 

Lightning.  See  Thunder. 

Logan,  J.  R.,  on  origin  and  racial  affinity  of 
the  Karen,  14,  n. 

Loom,  the  Karen.  Ill,  112,  114;  the  Burmese, 

112. 


“Lords  of  the  land  and  water,”  in  Karen 
demonology,  225  ; the  great  sacrifice  to,  235, 
ff. ; the  small  sacrifice  to,  239. 

Lost  Book,  the.  legendary  account  of,  279-280  ; 
supposed  recovery  of,  297,  298,  307. 

Lowis,  C.  C.,  12,  n.  18. 

MacMAHON,  Col.,  A.  R.,  on  Karen  dancing, 
167  ; on  Karen  magic,  276 ; on  Bwe  tabus, 
288. 

Magic,  Karen  ideas  on,  210,  267  ; Karen  prac- 
tice of,  267,  270,  ff.  ; practitioners  of,  268- 
269;  white  magic,  271-273;  black  magic,  273, 
ff. 

Malaria,  prevalence  of,  16. 

Manners,  Karen,  30. 

Marriage,  practice  of  monogamy,  134  ; match- 
making, 176-181  ; wedding  ceremonies,  181- 
190  ; permanence  of  Karen,  190-191  ; and 
demonology,  224 : and  tabus,  287,  294. 

Martyrs,  among  early  Karen  Christians,  298. 

Mason,  Rev.  Francis,  D.D.,  on  the  theories  of 
Karen  origin,  5,  10,  12,  14  ; on  the  veracity 
of  the  Karen,  27  ; on  the  order  of  the 
months  in  the  Karen  calendar,  50 ; on  the 
breed  of  pigs,  65;  on  bronze  drums,  116;  on 
blood-brotherhood,  136-137  ; on  Karen  slavery, 
141  ; on  the  preservation  of  Karen  laws,  143, 
144  ; on  forays  and  peace  pacts,  158 ; on 
natal  practices  of  the  Karen,  169  ; rendering 
of  a Karen  poem  on  God.  212  ; on  the  legend 
of  the  ancestors  of  the  human  race,  217,  n. 
11;  on  Karen  mythology,  222;  on  Mount 
“Thaw  Thi,”  262,  263  ; on  Karen  medicine, 
277  ; translation  of  the  Bible,  300 ; founda- 
tion of  "Dawkula”  310. 

Match-making.  See  Marriage. 

Mat-making,  113. 

Matriarchy,  possible  survival  of,  among  the 
Karen.  133,  190,  249. 

Maw  Lay,  the,  music  of,  29  ; cult  of,  264. 

Mawnepgha  Karen,  the,  belonging  to  the  Sgaw 
group,  1 ; domestic  animals  of,  65. 

Measurement,  Karen  standards  of,  51-53. 

Meats,  variety  of,  in  use,  66 ; preparation  of, 
69-70.  See  Diet,  Food. 

Medicine,  Karen  resort  to,  270  : the  medicine- 
teacher.  269,  270,  277 ; native  practice  of 
277,  278.  See  Magic. 

Medicine-teacher,  the,  269,  270,  277,  278. 

Meh,  Thra  Klaw,  martyrdom  of,  298. 

Mental  characteristics,  22,  ff. 

Midwife,  the  Karen,  168. 

Migrations,  legendary,  of  Htaw  Meh  Pa,  5 ; 
supposed  routes  of,  12-14. 

Mind,  the  Karen,  22,  ff.  ; 27. 

Missions.  See  Baptist,  Roman  Catholic, 
Anglican. 

Missionaries,  in  Burma,  296,  n.  1 ; 297,  298, 
300,  301,  303,  304. 

Monogamy.  See  Marriage. 


INDEX 


327 


Monotheism.  See  Religion. 

Mopgha  Karen,  the,  dress  of,  38. 

“Mu  kaw  li.“  See  Devil. 

Murder,  penalties  for,  in  Karen  law,  149-150. 

Music,  Karen  love  of,  29  ; occidental,  29,  161  ; 
native,  29,  161  ; proficiency  in,  161. 

Musical  instruments,  Karen,  162,  ff. 

“Mu  xa.”  the,  spirits  that  preside  over  births, 
223-224,  248. 

Mythology,  character  of  Karen,  223  ; demons  in 
Karen,  223,  ff. ; of  Karen  origins,  5-6 ; and 
bronze  drums,  117 ; relating  to  Karen 
funerals,  193-194  ; of  the  fall  of  man,  213, 
ff.  ; concerning  the  cultivation  of  rice,  226; 
concerning  the  king  of  hades,  227-228  ; of 
Atlas,  230  ; and  Mount  “Thaw  Thi,”  6,  262, 
ff.  ; of  “Y’wa“  and  the  Lost  Book,  279-280. 
See  Demonology. 

NABAAIN  village,  bronze  drum  from,  de- 
scribed, 120-121. 

Names,  Karen,  of  children,  170 ; superstitions 
in  regard  to,  292. 

Nationalism,  rise  of,  310-311  ; 312. 

Necromancy.  See  Magic. 

Negrito  blood,  admixture  of.  17. 

Nestorianism,  supposed  influence  of,  on  the 
Karen,  10-11. 

Newspapers,  Karen,  310. 

Nichols,  Dr.  C.  A.,  Baptist  missionary  in 
Bassain,  300. 

Nicknames,  Karen,  170. 

Nieuwenhuis,  Dr.,,  on  the  rice-pounder  dance 
in  Borneo,  201,  n.  5 ; on  fear  of  loss  of  one’s 
“k’la,”  219,  n.  14. 

Numerals,  Karen,  33. 

Nwedaung  village,  manufacture  of  bronze 
drums  in,  124. 

OCCUPATIONS,  Karen,  agriculture.  75-95 ; 
fishing  and  hunting,  96-107 ; cloth-making, 
108-113;  mat-making  and  basketry,  113-114; 
subsidiary,  86-87,  95,  309,  310. 

Offerings,  for  the  sick,  239-243  ; to  the  e“k’la,“ 
243-245.  See  Sacrifices. 

Omens,  variety  of,  178,  190,  229,  290  ; and 
tabus,  290.  See  Divination.  Ritual. 

Oranges,  growth  of,  85. 

Ordeal,  of  tree  climbing,  236. 

Origin,  of  the  Karen  people,  the  legendary 
founder  of  the  race,  5-6  ; various  hypotheses 
of,  6.  ff. ; Karen  monotheism  and  the  lost 
tribes  of  Israel,  10  ; Karen  migrations,  12-14. 

O’Riley,  Mr.  J.,  on  the  probable  route  of 
Karen  migrations,  13-14. 

Ornamentation.  See  Bronze  drums. 

Ornaments,  Karen,  diversity  of,  43,  ff.  ; gro- 
tesqueness of,  44-45 ; worn  by  men,  46-47. 

Orphans,  ostracism  of,  134,  288 : magical 

powers  of,  269-270,  288. 


Ostracism,  ancient  practice  of,  133-134,  288; 
for  adultury,  192. 

PAD  AUNG  Karen,  the,  ornaments  of,  44  ; the 
bag-pipe  of,  166 ; natal  practices  of,  169 ; 
art  of  divination  of,  283. 

“Paddy.”  See  Rice. 

Paku  Karen,  the,  belonging  to  the  Sgaw  group, 
1 ; dress  of,  35  ; domestic  animals  of,  65. 

Pao,  the.  See  Taungthu. 

Parker.  E.  H.,  12,  n. 

Passions,  the  Karen  explanation  of,  276-277 ; 
charms  used  to  control,  277. 

Patriarch.  See  Chief. 

Peace  pact,  the  Karen,  157-158. 

Pegu,  annexation  of,  by  British  Empire,  298. 

Pegu  Hills,  the,  Karen  dress  in,  35,  40 ; the 
Karen  village  in,  56,  126  ; Karen  fishing  in, 
107;  bronze  drums  in.  118;  funeral  rites  in, 
197,  206-207 ; feasts  to  the  “Bgha”  in,  249, 
ff. ; persecution  of  Karen  Christians  in,  297, 
298,  306. 

Persecution,  of  early  Kai*en  Christians,  297, 
298. 

“Pgho,”  the  divine  essence,  210. 

Philippine  Islands,  similarities  between  tribes 
of,  and  the  Karen,  15 ; musical  instruments 
of,  166,  n.  4. 

Physique,  Karen,  height,  16 : color,  16-18 ; 

features,  18;  hair,  18;  general  traits,  19-20. 

Pig,  kind  of,  among  the  Karen,  64  ; sacrificial 
character  of,  259,  279-280,  284.  See  Sacri- 
fices. 

Pilgrim’s  Progress,  translated  into  Karen,  310. 

Pipe,  the  bamboo  tobacco,  164-166. 

Po,  Dr.  San  C.,  a prominent  Karen,  310. 

Poetry,  ditties  of  Karen  children,  173-174 ; 
rhyming  contests,  177  ; of  betrothals,  177,  ff.  : 
wedding,  182-183,  188;  funeral,  197,  198-199, 
200,  208;  religious,  211-212,  263.  See  Liter- 
ature. 

Poison,  use  of,  97-98,  107  ; antidotes,  98  ; pos- 
session of,  condemned  by  Karen  law.  150. 

Politics.  See  Government. 

Polygamy,  practice  of,  134. 

Population,  Karen,  3-4. 

Portuguese,  missionaries  in  Burma,  11  ; intro- 
duce firearms  into  Burma,  159. 

Pottery,  Karen,  67,  70. 

“Pounding  the  pestles.”  See  Games,  funeral. 

Poynder,  Capt.  C.  E.,  on  the  Karen  art  of 
divination,  283. 

Practices,  Karen.  See  Customs. 

Prayer,  Karen,  at  the  great  sacrifice,  235-236  ; 
at  the  small  sacrifice,  239  ; in  sickness,  240, 
ff.,  294 ; to  the  “k’la,”  243-245 ; at  feasts 
to  the  “Bgha,”  250,  251,  257  ; to  demons,  240, 
ff.,  293.  See  also  Incantations,  Sacrifices. 

Precepts.  See  Laws. 

Press,  the  Karen.  310. 


328 


THE  KAREN  PEOPLE  OF  BURMA 


Property,  regard  for  private,  129,  131  ; com- 
munity of,  130. 

Prophets,  the,  business  of,  245-247,  275-276  ; 
selection  of,  247. 

Pii  Maw  Taw,  mythical  owner  of  the  first 
bronze  drums.  117. 

Pwo,  the.  a group  of  the  Karen,  173  ; relation 
to  the  Sgaw,  33. 

Python,  the  White.  See  White  Python. 

RAINBOW,  the,  in  Karen  demonology,  227, 
228. 

Rangoon  Gazette,  on  the  classification  of 
bronze  drums.  118. 

Red  Karen,  the,  a Bwe  tribe,  4,  31  ; dress  of 
37  : ornaments  of.  44  ; bronze  drums  of.  117  ; 
special  tabus  of,  286. 

Reincarnation,  relation  of,  to  the  “k’la,”  168, 
218,  ff.,  222. 

Religion,  Karen,  monotheism,  10-12,  212-213  ; 
three  conceptions  of,  210-211  : and  ostracism, 
134  : the  soul  and  the  “k’la,”  218,  ff.  ; Mount 
“Thaw  Thi,”  263  ; religious  cults,  264-265. 
See  Christianity,  Ritual. 

Rhinoceros,  the,  in  Karen  demonology,  225. 

Rice,  importance  of,  66  ; preparation  of,  67-68  ; 
fermentation  of,  71-72;  cultivation  of,  75,  ff. ; 
sacred  character  of,  222,  226. 

Ritual.  Karen  religious,  at  annual  removal  of 
village,  63-64  ; in  connection  with  agricul- 
ture, 76,  ff..  93-95  ; and  bronze  drums,  118- 
119;  at  feasts  to  the  “Bgha.”  133,  249,  if.; 
of  blood-brotherhood,  136-138  : of  the  foray. 
152-154:  157-158:  at  childbirth,  167-170;  at 
betrothal,  178  : of  the  wedding,  188-189  ; of 
the  funeral,  64-65,  195,  197,  205;  origin  of. 
216  : of  propitiation,  in  sickness,  224,  225, 
234,  240,  ff.,  243-245  ; of  divination,  283.  See 
also  Incantations,  Prayer,  Sacrifices. 

“River  of  Running  Sand,”  the.  See  Origin. 

Roman  Catholic  Mission,  the,  301. 

Ross.  John,-  12,  n.  16. 

SACRIFICES,  Karen  religious,  mythical 

origin  of,  226,  227  ; classification  of,  234,  ff.  : 
festival  character  of,  237  ; to  the  “k’la,*^  243- 
245  ; to  the  “Bgha,”  251  : animals  used  in. 
259 : to  demons  of  the  flooded  rivers,  292. 
See  also  Incantations,  Prayer,  Ritual. 

Satan.  See  Dev’il. 

Sayings,  of  the  elders,  12,  n.  17  ; 144-150. 

Schools.  See  Education. 

Scott,  Sir  J.  G . on  lack  of  humor  among  the 
Karen,  23  : on  natural  origin  of  the  practice 
of  divination,  279. 

Second  Burmese  War,  (1852-3),  127.  n.  1; 
298,  306. 

Sects.  See  Cults. 

Seining,  mode  of.  among  the  Karen,  106-107. 

Serpent,  the  Devil  as  a,  215. 


Sgaw,  the,  a group  of  the  Karen,  1-3 ; lan- 
guage of,  31,  ff. : great  sacrifice  of,  235-236, 
small  sacrifice  of,  239 ; practice  of  divina- 
tion, 284  ; pre-natal  tabus  of,  287. 

Shakespeare,  translation  of,  into  Karen,  310. 

Shan,  the,  neighbors  of  the  Karen,  1,  4,  12 ; 
influence  of,  on  the  Karen,  36,  37,  43,  67, 
114,  116,  159;  bronze  drums  manufactured 
by.  9,  124. 

Shwegyin  district,  Karen  dress  in.  40  ; the  betel 
plant  in,  84  ; marriage  customs  in,  177,  187  ; 
funeral  rites  in,  206 ; household  deities  in, 

248,  250  : religious  cults  in,  264. 

Shyness,  Karen,  23. 

Siam,  habitat  of  the  Karen,  1,  2,  304  ; rite  of 
removal  in,  64 ; drunkenness  among  the 
Karen  in,  72  ; funeral  practices  in,  197-198, 
204  : feast  to  the  “Bgha”  in,  250. 

Sickness,  interpretation  of,  193,  241,  270;  pro- 
pitiation of  the  spirits  in,  193,  234,  239-243, 

249,  ff.  : use  of  magic  in,  270,  274,  275  ; use 
of  medicine  in.  277,  278 ; divination  in,  282, 
283, 

Sin,  the  original,  in  Karen  legend,  213-216; 
penalty  for,  after  death,  230,  233  ; confession 
of,  236. 

Skeat  and  Blagden,  on  the  blowpipe.  97,  n.  1. 

Slavery,  prevalence  of,  141,  142,  157. 

Slingshot,  the,  88. 

Small  sacrifice,  the,  of  the  Sgaw,  239. 

Smeaton.  D.  M.,  on  the  benefits  of  Christianity, 
309. 

Smells,  Karen  superstitions  regarding.  277-278. 

Smith.  Rev.  D.  A.  W.,  president  of  the  Karen 
Theological  Seminary,  300 ; author  of  com- 
mentaries and  text-books,  310. 

Snodgrass,  Maj.,  306. 

Skeat  and  Blagden,  on  the  blow-gun,  97,  n.  1. 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel,  in 
Toungoo,  301. 

Soul  (“Tha”),  the,  Karen  conception  of,  218. 

Space,  Karen  conception  of,  51-53. 

Spices,  use  of.  66,  69. 

Spinning,  108-110. 

Spinning-wheel,  the,  108-110. 

Sportsmanship.  Karen,  104,  107,  175.  See 

Hunting,  Fishing. 

Spring  trap,  the,  99-101. 

Statistics  of  the  Baptist  Mission  in  Burma,  300. 

Stealing,  see  Honesty,  Theft. 

Superstitions,  Karen,  regarding  the  “k’la,” 
218-221  : regarding  smells,  277-278 ; and  ta- 
bus. 286,  288,  ff.  See  also  Customs,  Demon- 
ology, Tabus. 

Stars,  the,  Karen  acquaintance  with,  53-54. 

Strangers,  entertainment  of,  62,  139  ; attitude 
of  Karen  toward.  257-258;  restrictions  on, 
288. 

“Stretching  the  neck.”  See  Games,  funeral. 

Suicide,  attitude  of  Karen  toward.  150. 

Swa,  the,  116,  n.  2. 


INDEX 


329 


Swords,  Karen,  150. 

Symbolism,  in  propitiatory  sacrifices,  242-243. 

TABU,  what  associated  with,  286  ; description 
of  various  tabus,  261,  286-294 ; effects  of 
tabus,  294-295. 

Taunghthu  tribe,  the,  belonging  to  the  Pwo 
group,  1,  3. 

Taxes,  Karen,  129. 

‘‘Thaw  Thi,”  Mount,  the  Karen  Olympus,  6, 
224,  231,  262-264  : the  worship  on,  263. 

Theft,  penalties  for,  in  Karen  law,  27,  149. 

Theological  Seminary,  the,  foundation  of,  300. 

Thesaurus,  Karen,  The,  on  the  value  of  bronze 
drums,  116;  on  Karen  swords,  159;  on  Karen 
conceptions  of  the  divine  force,  210 ; on 
Karen  mythology,  223 ; on  native  medicine, 
278 ; compilation  of,  310. 

Third  Burmese  War  (1885),  127,  n.  1;  306, 
310. 

Threshing,  modes  of,  82,  90 ; tabu  of  the 
threshing-floor,  291 . 

Thunder,  Karen  mythical  explanation  of,  231. 

Time,  Karen  measurements  of,  48-50.  See  also 
Astronomy. 

Tobacco,  Karen  use  of,  72,  74. 

Toungoo  district,  habitat  of  the  Bwe  Karen, 
1,  31  ; domestic  animals  in,  65,  102  ; agricul- 
tural products  of,  84-85,  86 ; baskets  of  the 
Karen  in,  114;  bronze  drums  of,  118;  war- 
fare in,  152  ; Mount  “Thaw  Thi,"  262-263 ; 
Anglican  Mission  in,  301. 

Trade,  in  rice,  92  ; in  firearms,  159, 

Traditions.  See  Mythology. 

Trapping,  98  ff.,  105  ff.  See  Hunting,  Fishing. 

Tribes,  of  the  Karen,  3,  127. 

Twins,  Karen  explanation  of,  170. 

UPAS  tree,  the,  poison  from,  97. 

VEGETABLES.  See  Crops. 

Vengeance,  Karen  ideas  of,  25,  147,  150,  152, 
274. 

Village,  the  Karen,  construction  of,  56-60 ; 
stockade  of,  60 ; Burmese  influence  on,  63 ; 
appearance  of,  60-63 ; annual  removal  of, 
63-64  ; government  of,  127-129,  143-144,  247  ; 
community  life  in,  130. 

Vinton,  Dr.  J.  B.,  on  the  “River  of  Running 
Sand,*’  5,  6,  n. 

Vinton,  Dr.  J.  H.,  on  Tribal  Resemblances  of 
the  Karen,  15  ; in  Rangoon,  298. 


Vinton,  Mrs.  J.  H.,  author  of  Karen  hymns, 
310. 

Voices,  Karen,  29.  See  Music. 

WADE,  Dr.  Jonathan,  on  paired  words  in  the 
Karen  language,  31-32 ; comparison  of  Pwo 
and  Sgaw  dialects  by,  33  ; on  blood-brother- 
hood, 136 ; of  the  proper  rendering  of  the 
word  “soul,”  218,  n.  13 ; on  Karen  magic, 
274  ; on  Karen  medicine,  277  ; reduces  Karen 
language  to  writing,  297  ; author  of  diction- 
aries and  grammars  of  Pwo  and  Sgaw  dia- 
lects, 300  ; compiler  of  the  Karen  Thesaurus, 
310. 

Waer,  the,  habitat  of,  116,  n.  2. 

Warfare,  Karen,  character  of,  in  olden  days, 
152  ; the  foray,  152-157. 

Wealth,  Karen  ideas  of,  129-130. 

Weapons,  Karen,  for  hunting  and  trapping, 
96-102 ; for  fighting,  158-159 ; introduction 
of  firearms,  159 ; use  of  armor,  160.  See 
Firearms. 

Weaving,  110-111. 

Wedding,  the  Karen,  preparations  for,  181- 
182 ; procession,  182-184  ; feasting  at,  186- 
189  ; tabus,  190  ; in  the  Pegu  Yomas,  184-186. 

Wedding-horn,  the,  166. 

Weirs,  Karen  use  of,  107. 

White,  Mrs.  U.  B.,  note  on  Karen  music  by, 
161,  n.  1. 

White  Python,  the,  myth  of,  38,  193-194,  263. 

“Wi.“  See  Prophets. 

Widows,  ostracism  of,  134,  288. 

Wife  purchase,  remnant  of,  among  the  Karen, 
187. 

Witchcraft.  See  Magic. 

Women,  Karen,  timidity  of,  23 ; dress  of,  38, 
ff. ; ornaments  of,  43,  ff. ; beauty  of,  44  ; posi- 
tion of.  64-65;  131-133,  168,  190,  249,  288; 
use  of  betel  and  tobacco  by,  73,  74. 

Woodpecker,  the,  a bird  of  ill-omen,  190,  229. 

World  War,  the  Karens  in,  306,  314. 

Worship,  Karen.  See  Religion,  Sacrifices. 

XYLOPHONE,  the.  161. 

YOUNG,  Rev.  W.  H.,  4,  n. 

Yu,  the,  and  bronze  drums,  116,  n.  5. 

Yunnan,  original  home  of  the  Karen,  9,  12 ; 
the  crossbow  in,  97,  n,  2 ; source  of  bronze 
drums,  116. 

“Y’wa,”  the  legend  of,  211-213  ; the  abode  of, 
263  : and  the  Lost  Book,  279-280.  See  also 
Religion,  Christianity. 


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